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rroin the statue l.j George Wade crcctt-il at Rendini; 

iPJiolo by L. It SliiU 


The Re-Making 

OF Europe 
The European 
Powers To-day 

-r^^^^c. ^_:-.w j3 




The Brt;sh 

The Atlantic 








General Survey of Europe since 1 8 1 5 
The Great Powers in Concord 

The British Era of Reform 

Queen Victoria in Her Coronation Robe 
Colour plate facinj 
The Reaction in Central Europe 
The Restored French Monarchy 
The Cross and the Crescent 
Fall of the Bourbon }iIonarchy 
The New Revolutionary Period 
The Welding of the States 
The New Kingdom of Greece . . 
The State of Religion in Europe 
The Spread of Liberalism 

The Fall of Louis Philippe 

Italy's Fruitless Revolt 

The Hungarian Rebellion 
Struggles of the German Duchies . 
The Second Republic in France 
The Problem of the German States 
Reaction in Central Europe 


Saving the Colours facing 

The United Kingdom intheMid-\'ictorian 


Turkey after the Crimean \\"ar 
The Second Empire of France 

The L'nification of Italy 

Prussia Under King William I 

Prussia and Austria on the Eve of \^'ar. . 

The Advance of Prussia 

The Prussian Ascendancy 

The Decline of Napoleon HI 

The French Soldiers' Unrealised Dream 

of Victory facing 

The Downfall of the Second French 


The Birth of the German Empire . . 
Scandinavia in the Nineteenth Century. . 

The Close of the ^'ictorian Era 

Peace with Honour facing 

Reaction Triumphant in Russia 
The German and Austrian Empires 
France L'nder the Third Republic . . 
Minor States of ^^'estcrn Europe . . 






505 1 


5 --3 



Britain's Industrial Revolution . . . . 5237 

The Rise and Fall of Chartism .. .. 5245 

The Triumph of Trades Unions . . . . 5249 

The March of Social Reform 5255 

Social Problems in France 5260 

Social Democracy in Germany . . . . 5268 

Great Dates from the French Revolution 

to Our Own Time 5-279 



Glimpses of Europe's Capital Cities . . 5281 

Russia 5295 

Turkey, Greece, and the Balkans . . . . 5317 

Austria-Hungary 5329 

Germany .. 5339 

Holland and Belgium 5357 

The Grand Duchy of Luxemburg . . . . 5362 

Switzerland 5365 

Italy 5371 

The Republic of San Marino 5375 

France 5377 

The Principality of Monaco 5 396 

The Republic of Andorra 5397 

Spain 5401 

Portugal 5406 

The Scandinavian States 54ii 

United Kingdom 5417 

Tvpes of British Battleships 5425 


The Empire in the Making 5441 

British Trade and the Flag 5465 

Slave Trade as a Factor in Colonial 

Expansion 5473 

Colonies Grown from Convict Settle- 
ments 5479 

Wars of the Empire 5483 

British Conquests in the East . . . . 5497 

Britain's Contests in Africa 5509 

Fighting Forces of the British Empire. . 5525 

Outposts of Empire 5537 

Composition of the Empire 5545 

Great Britain's Inner Empire . . . . 5557 

Parliaments of the Outer Empire .. .. 5573 

The Sinews of Empire 55^1 

British Expansion in Europe 5599 

British Expansion in America . . . . 5610 

Britain's Great Indian Empire .. .. 5615 

British Expansion in Africa 5623 

.Man's Triumph over Nature 5631 

Civilisation and Christianity 5639 

The Future of the Empire 5644 


The Atlantic Before Columbus . . . . 5657 

The Age After Columbus 5663 


By Oscar Brow^ning, M.A. 


By Dr. H. Zimmerer, Dr. Heinrich Schurtz, 

Dr. Georg Adler, Dr. G. Egelhaaf, 

Dr. H. Friedjung, and other writers 



We enter now upon the last phase of completed European 
history — the century which has all but run its course since the 
decisiv5 overthrow of Napoleon's ambitions at Waterloo. 
Although during this period the United Kingdom and the 
Eastern Powers, Russia and the whole Eastern peninsula, 
pursue their course in comparative independence of the com- 
plications which involve the rest of Europe, the latter being no 
longer in isolation sufficient to warrant us in maintaining the 
earlier complete separation of East and West. 

Following immediately after Waterloo, we have a period of 
strong reaction against the political ideas of the French 
Revolution, a period 'in which the claims to power and 
to territory of "legitimate" dynasties are looked upon as 
paramount, while the control of the Sovereign People and 
demands for the recognition of nationalities are held in check, 
though Greece attains her liberation from Turkey. The second 
period opens and closes with two revolutions in France — the 
expulsion of the Bourbons and the coup d'etat of Napoleon III. 

During this period the demands of Constitutionalism and of 
Nationalism are fermenting, Germany in particular making 
futile efforts in the latter direction. The third period coincides 
with that of the Second Empire in France, and is marked by 
the unification of Italy and the triumph of German nationalism 
in the new German Empire, consummated by the Franco- 
German war, and attended by the establishment of the Third 
French Republic. 

Finally we follow the fortunes of the novi reconstructed 
Europe — the whole narrative having interludes associated with 
the modern Eastern Question — until we reach our own day. 

By A. D. Innes. M.A., and H. W. C. Davis, M.A. 


The above map shows the Europe of our own time, with the boundaries of the various states as we know them 
to-day. The period thus illustrated is not the whole of the time covered by "The Re-making- of Europe," but rather 
the eventual settlement of the Continent, as a result of the movements which were initiated on the downfall of Napoleon, 
and involved such international conflicts as the Crimean War, the Italian revolt against Austria, the Franco- Prussian, 
the Russo-Turkish, and the Greco-Turkish wars. The changes in the m.p of Europe since the close of the 
Franco-Prussian War have been insignificant. The areas within 250 and 50li miles of the coast are also indicated. 


By Oscar Browning, M.A. 

D EFORE the French Revolution Europe 
•*-' was in a condition of unstable equili- 
brium. Anyone who studies the condition 
of the map of Europe in the last years of 
the eighteenth century will perceive this 
to be the case. France, Spain, and Great 
Britain were in a fairly homogeneous 
situation, but the position of the rest of 
Europe was intolerable. The German 
Empire, the mere phantom of its glorious 
past, was honeycombed by the territories 
of ecclesiastical princes, while its neigh- 
bours, Hungary and Poland, better con- 
solidated than itself, were a menace to 
its permanence. Russia was in the throes 
of expansion to the east, west, and south. 
The Turkish Empire, when it crossed the 
Bosphorus, found itself ruling dominions 
which it could not hope to maintain, 
and which were now slipping from its 
grasp. Greece and Bosnia, Moldavia and 
Wallachia, Servia and Bulgaria were 
moving from a position of subjection 
to vassalage, from vassalage to indepen- 
dence. Berlin was divided from Konigs- 
berg by a long stretch of territory which 
could not in any sense be called Prussian. 
Italy was cut up into a number 
of impotent and warring states, 

he crossed the Channel found it reduced 

to nothing before his return by the charges 

of perpetual discount. The awakening was 

rude. Sluggish Europe shook herself to 

resist the dangers of the Revolution. 

She threatened to march to Paris to 

punish the regicide miscreants who bore 

^. n . swav in the capital, and to 
The Rude - - '^ 

of Europe 

restore the Bourbon to his 
throne. But regenerated France 

Barriers to 



which denied it a voice in 
European affairs. Naples and 
Sicily were parts of Spain. Norway was 
a part of Denmark. There was no soli- 
darity, no unity in the component parts ; 
railways, had they existed, would have 
been impossible, commerce was impeded 
by every kind of artificial barrier. A 
traveller who changed a sovereign when 

laughed gaily at this unwieldy 
Titan. She threw ofi with ease the attacks 
directed against the missionaries of a new 
political gospel, and carried war into the 
territories of those who had assailed her. 
Her generals were everywhere victorious ; 
but from among them arose Napoleon, the 
greatest of all generals of modern times. 
It is too common to represent this 
commanding genius as a man of blood — 
insatiable with slaughter, uncontrolled 
in ambition, and regardless of the 
sacrifices with which it might be grati- 
fied. The empire of Napoleon was, at 
least in part, a carrying out of the 
programme of the Directory, and the 
consummation of the efforts which 
France had originally begun to resist 
intrusion. When that empire had reached 
its height, it was. either in direct govern- 
ment or in powerful influence, nearly 
coterminous with civilised Europe, with 
the exception of Russia and England, 
who remained imsubdued. Spain and 
Portugal were under France, Belgium and 
Holland were a part of her dominions, the 
kingdom of Italy reached to the frontier 
of Naples, and Naples was French. 



Switzerland was devoted to the man who 
had given her a good government, the 
Confederation of the Rhine inchided the 
kingdom of Westphaha as well as the 
tributary states of Saxony, Bavaria, 
Wurtemberg, and Baden ; Scandinavia 
listened to the advice of the Tuileries ; 
Prussia was reduced to insignificance. 
The Grand Duchy of War- 
saw, a French creation, lay as 

The Unstable 


of Napoleon 

a buffer state between Prussia 
and Austria ; and Austria, 
having given an empress to the French 
throne, was in a position in which her 
best hope of influence and power lay in 
her alliance with Napoleon, a position 
which she had not the wisdom to realise. 

But Napoleon's empire was itself in a 
condition of instability. What form it 
would have taken if he had continued to 
reign, we do not know. The claims of 
nationality had begun to assert themselves 
before his fall — indeed, they had been to 
a large extent the cause of his ruin ; and 
if he desired to rear a lasting edifice he 
must have found a way of reconciling 
them with his scheme of a European 
Empire. He wished for a second son, 
and if such a one had been born and 
grown to manhood, or at least to ado- 
lescence, the formation of a united Italy 
might have been anticipated by many 
years. But his empire, constituted as it 
was, was certain to perish at his fall, and 
his fall came sooner than was expected. 

We do not yet completely know the 
causes of the great Russian war, and we 
cannot properly apportion the blame of 
it between the emperor and the tsar. 
He believed that this would have been his 
last enterprise, his last war. Russia once 
brought to his feet, Europe would be at 
peace. But he miscalculated the difficulty 
of the task, and the stohd stubbornness 
of Russian resistance. Fortune turned 
against him, his star paled, and his em- 
pire was no more. It is a mistake to sup- 

^. ^ . pose that he could have made 
The Fatal ^ _ . . _ .. 

Error of the 


peace at Frankfort or at Chatil- 
lon; the terms offered him 

were delusive, and were in- 
tended to be so by Metternich. Had 
Austria obeyed the voice of honour and 
of interest the empire might have been 
preserved, but by deserting these funda- 
mental principles, the empire of the 
Hapsburgs, which has made so many 
mistakes, committed a last fatal error, 
which it has since most bitterly expiated. 


The Congress of Vienna endeavoured to 
repair the shattered fabric, but the un- 
prejudiced observer will not credit the 
diplomatists of that assembly with 
much wisdom or with much prescience. 

Ignorant of, or ignoring, the principle of 
nationality, which has since governed the 
world with a dominating force, they were 
led by Talleyrand to adopt the principle 
of legitimacy, which they had not the 
courage to follow out when it became a 
question of punishing Napoleon's friends 
or rewarding his enemies. Consequently, 
many arrangements of Vienna have been 
upset. Belgium has been divorced from 
Holland, Norway from Sweden, Prussia 
has united its severed territories and 
secured the headship of Germany. Italy 
has consolidated herself at the expense 
of the provinces and the prestige of 
Austria ; and Turkey has lost, one after 
another, the dominions which it was a 
disgrace to civilisation that she should 
have held at all. 

The change from the Restoration which 
succeeded the fall of Napoleon to the 
conditions of the present day is divided 
. , into certain well-defined epochs 
ritain s j^g^j-j^g(j by periods of disturb- 
Electoral -^ ^ , .• tu 

_ , ,. ance, wars, or revolutions, ihe 
Revolution • i 1 ^ o jo 

period betv/een 1820 and 1830 

is one of disheartening reaction, controlled 
by a desire to suppress everything which 
could remind the world of the principles 
of 1789, and to undo everything which 
the administrative ability of the great 
emperor had accomplished. This led to 
the Revolution of July, accompanied 
by other disturbances in Europe, and 
indirectly to the emancipation of the 
Catholics in England and the Reform Bill 
of 1832. It is characteristic of our country 
that the only revolution which we have 
experienced since the close of the seven- 
teenth century has been an alteration in 
our electoral system, a change quite as im- 
portant as, and more permanent than, any 
which has taken place in any other country. 
After 1830 the democratic strivings of 
the nations of the Continent were either 
suppressed or appeased, but the fire 
broke out with greater intensity in 1848, 
when a series of revolutions either shook 
or shattered every throne in Europe but 
our own. Then followed a series of 
wars — the Crimean war of 1854, the 
Italian war of 1859, ^^^^ Danish war 
of 1863, the Austrian war of 1866, and 
the Franco-Prussian war of 1870. Since 


1870 Europe has been at peace, and the 
severance of Norway from Sweden and 
the final consohdation of Italy have been 
brought about without an actual conflict. 
Belgium is no longer the cockpit of 
Europe— that has to be sought further 
afield. Rivalries which have a European 
side to them are fought out in Asia and 
in Africa, and we dread the time when 
the horrors of war may possibly be brought 
within our own experience. 

Yet progress, in which international 
jealousies must have a part, still goes on, 
and war, if averted, is often threatened. 
The world knows of many mortal struggles 
which have never taken place, but which 
have been regarded as inevitable by well- 
informed and responsible statesmen. At 
one time we were certain to have a war 
with Russia, at another time with France, 
at another time with America, and a final 
war with Germany is looked upon by so 
many as the doom of fate that they 
think it useless to discuss its probability 
or even to take means to avert it. If the 
possibility of these catastrophes is known 
to the public at large, how many are in 
the cognisance of Ministers who 
are acquainted with the secrets 
of foreign affairs ? Happily, 
the past is quite sufficient to 
occupy the historian, without troubling 
too much about the future. 

Let us consider separately the effect of 
each of these crises on the course of 
European politics. The Revolution of 
July in Paris had broken out as a quarrel 
between the people and the king; it ended 
by establishing the authority of the 
people. The royal title was changed from 
King of France to King of the French. 
The Charter was a Bill of Rights on the 
English model, dear to the heart of Guizot. 
It fixed the limits within which the people 
were willing to accept the government of 
a king. It was a decided advance towards 
democracy. The new constitution which 
followed the Revolution in Belgium was 
framed on similar lines, and in the spirit 
of the English Revolution of 1688. 

It laid down the principle that all power 
emanated from the people, and that the 
king possessed no authority beyond that 
given him by the constitution. He 
could do no executive act except through 
the Ministers, and they were responsible 
to the Chambers. If the Ministers failed 
to command a majority in Parliament, 
it was their duty to retire. The English 

of 1850 

colour of these arrangements seems to 

have suited the character of the Belgian 

people and the temper of the king. 

The Revolution of July produced a 

powerful effect upon Switzerland, and 

inaugurated what is called the Period of 

Regeneration. It began with a move- 

rhent to reform the constitutions of some 

_ . . ..of the cantons, in order to 

Switzerland s • 1 -4.1 „ 

. give a share m the govern- 

n^"" ° ° ,. ment to classes who did not 

Regeneration •. 'ni t> t. r 

possess it. The torest Can- 
tons, the ancient heart of Switzerland, 
remained passive, but the population of 
the others bombarded their Governments 
with petitions for reform, and reform was 
speedily accorded. Ziirich was the leader 
of the movement. The programme of the 
radical party was sovereignty of the 
people, universal suffrage, direct election, 
freedom of the Press, of petition, of 
religious belief, and of industry. 

The movement was essentially demo- 
cratic, and the struggle became so severe 
that the Federal Government had to inter- 
vene. The Canton of Basle was separated 
into two half cantons, Basle Town and 
Basle Country. Seven cantons formed 
a separate confederation, and a counter 
league was organised to oppose it. The 
conflict, embittered by the presence of 
refugees from other disturbed countries, 
lasted till the convulsions of 1848. 

In Spain and Portugal the struggle 
between the Constitutionals and the 
Absolutists was complicated by a dis- 
puted succession. In the first country, 
Isabella was the watchword of the Liberals, 
Don Carlos of the reactionaries, their 
place being taken in Portugal by Maria 
da Gloria and Don Miguel. In Italy the 
agitation was more serious. It seized 
upon the states which had not been affected 
by the previous movements of 1820. 
At Rome the death of Pius VIII. gave the 
signal. Louis Napoleon took part in the 
plot to make his uncle, Jerome, King 

of Italy. In the Romagna and 
Italy in ^j^^ Marches provisional govern- 
a State of ^^^^^^^ ^^^ national guards were 

the order of the day. Govern- 
ments of this kind, with a dictator 
at their head, were formed in Parma and 
in Modena. But the movement came 
to nothing. Louis Philippe would not 
help, and Metternich was at hand with his 
Austrian army. With their assistance he 
brought back the Duke of Modena, and 
pacified the States of the Church. But 



the " Young Italy " of Mazzini was born 
in the conflict, a secret society devoted to 
the realisation of the unity of Italy under 
the form of a republic. Eventually the first 
object was attained, but the second was not. 
A similar impulse animated the Liberals 
of Germany, who had long been discon- 
tented with the policy of the Holy Alliance. 
The War of Liberation had 
o an s o onlvsubiected them to a worse 

Stand for j j 


despotism than that of Napo- 
leon. Brunswick, Hesse-Cassel, 
Saxony, and Hanover obtained constitu- 
tions ; in Bavaria and Baden men of 
enlightened minds were allowed to express 
themselves more freely. A stronger move- 
ment took place in Poland, then divided 
between two parties, the Whites and the 
Reds. The Whites were composed of the 
large proprietors, the higher officials, and 
the clergy. Provided that Poland was 
suffered to retain a nominal independence, 
they were content to wait for constitutional 
reforms. The Reds were patriots and demo- 
crats, but they were violent and impatient. 
In the last month of 1830, when the 
emperor had mobilised the Polish army in 
order to suppress the revolution in France 
and Belgium, the national troops turned 
against their oppressors. The students of 
the Military College seized the palace at 
Warsaw, and the Grand Duke Constantine 
fled for his life. The Romanoff dynasty 
was deposed, and the union of Poland with 
Lithuania was proclaimed. Britain and 
France were sympathetic, but refused to 
give active assistance ; the Polish army 
was crushed by superior numbers, and a 
military dictator was set up. The end of 
Poland had arrived. In 1835 the Emperor 
Nicholas told the Poles plainly that unless 
they gave up the dream of a separate 
independent nationality the guns of the 
newly built citadel should lay Warsaw in 
ruins. We see, therefore, that the Rev'olu- 
tion of July had made a great breach in 
the system established by the Congress 
p of Vienna. The Bourbons, 

° * '*^* . who based their title on the 

Changes m •• i j- i •. • 

g . f prmciples of legitimacy, w^ere 

succeeded by a king of the 
barricades, professing the doctrines of 1789, 
and waving its flag. The British Constitu- 
tion remained unshaken, but the Reform 
Bill of 1832 brought about a revolution 
in the balance of political power not less 
momentous than the others, because it was 
pacific, and destined to produce results not 
less important although slow in coming. 

Eighteen years later the Revolution broke 
out with greaten violence, and spread with 
the rapidity of a plague. It began in 
Switzerland in 1847, showed itself in Sicily 
in January, 1848, and overthrew the throne 
of Louis Philippe in France in February 
of the same year. The fall of monarchy in 
France gave the signal for disturbances 
throughout Europe. England, the Iberian 
Peninsula, Sweden, Norway and Russia 
alone escaped. In Holland, Belgium and 
Denmark it ran a comparatively mild 
course. The symptoms were more severe 
in Austria, Prussia, Germany, and Central 
Italy ; it led to bloodshed in Northern 
Italy, Schleswig-Holstein, and Hungary. 

The outbreak in Switzerland was the 
result of a conflict which had been smoul- 
dering for many years. It was caused by 
two movements, one civil, the other 
religious ; one an effort to democratise 
the constitution, the other a desire to 
restrain the influence of the Roman 
Catholic Church. The Liberal party was 
divided into Moderates and Radicals, but 
the Moderates gradually lost their in- 
fluence. The Radicals were strengthened 
and stimulated by the refugees 
. ^° " ^°^ of other nationalities, who had 
e .^ , . found an asylum in Switzerland 

Switzerland , ■, ■ -^ ^ r ^i • 

when driven out of their own 
countries. The Poles organised raids 
against Neuchatel and Savoy ; Mazzini 
used Switzerland as a place of arms. 
Austria and Bavaria demanded the extra- 
dition of German " patriots," and when this 
was refused, broke off diplomatic relations. 
France insisted upon the expulsion of the 
supposed authors of the conspiracy of 
Fieschi, and sealed their frontiers against 
the passage of the stubborn Switzers. 

A few years later they asked for the 
surrender of Louis Napoleon, who had his 
home at Arenenberg. The Catholics based 
their hopes on the peasants, and posed as 
the supporters of democracy. In Schytz 
the two parties of " Horns " and " Hoofs " 
came to blows over the use of the public 
pastures ; in Canton Ticino, the Radicals 
won by force of arms ; in the V' alley of the 
Rhone the Upper and Lower districts were 
in hopeless disorder. The Puritans of 
Zurich drove Strauss, the author of the 
" Life of Jesus," from his professorial 
chair. The Jesuits succeeded in founding 
Catholic Colleges at Schytz, Freiburg, and 
Lucerne. Argau answered this challenge 
by suppressing eight convents, and de- 
manding the expulsion of the Order. The 


result of this prolonged tension was a civil 
war. In 1845 the seven Catholic cantons 
formed a " sonderbund," a separate 
league, which the government deter- 
mined to svippress by force, and in three 
weeks General Dufour effected this object. 
The Radicals were victorious, the Jesuits 
were expelled, and civil war was averted. 
The result of this struggle was the forma- 
tion of a new constitution, by which 
Switzerland, from being a statenbund — a 
confederation of states — became a federal 
state — a bundesstat. A new nation came 
to life in Europe. 

The French Revolution of 1848 was 
equally a surprise for the victors and the 
vanquished. It raged for two days, the 
first of which witnessed a revolt of the 
reformers against Guizot, the second a 
revolution of the Republicans against the 
monarchy. At 10 a.m. on February 24th, 
the Palais Royal was captured ; at 4.30 
p.m. the throne was destroyed in the 
Tuileries, and shortly afterwards the 
Republic was proclaimed at the Hotel de 
Ville. The result of this was a democratic 
movement throughout Europe. In Holland 
the personal government of 

_* ^ '" . ^ the king was changed into a 
Revolt against . .. .• 1 ^ ■ 

. . constitutional monarchy ; in 

Belgium the Liberals were 

confirmed in power ; in Denmark the 

accession of a new king presented an 

opportunity for substituting a constitution 

for absolutism and for setting the Press free. 

Italy was shaken from Monte Rosa to 
Cape Passaro. The movement began in 
Sicily, where for a fortnight in January 
the insurgents fought against the Royal 
troops, demanding the constitution of 
1812. At Naples, Ferdinand accorded a 
constitution based upon the French 
Charte, and appointed a Carbonaro as 
Prime Minister. At Turin, Charles Albert 
promulgated a constitution, which, in 
all the storm of conflict, has never 
been abrogated, and the Grand Duke of 
Tuscany did the same. 

At Rome, Pio Nono nominated three 
lay Ministers, but the supreme power 
remained with the College of Cardinals. 
The passionate desire of the Italians was to 
shake off the hated domination of Austria. 
They shouted, in the words of the 
"Garibaldi hymn": " Va fuori d'ltalia, 
va fuori o Stranier ! " [From Italy from 
sea to snow, let the hated stranger go ! ] 
For this the revolution in Vienna gave an 
opportunity. Here the storm broke in 

March, the direct consequence of the 
French Revolution of February. The 
desires of the people were voiced by book- 
sellers, students, and Liberal clubs ; they 
demanded liberty of religion, of teaching, 
of speech, and of writing, and a budget 
controlled by a representative govern- 
ment. Their cry was : " Down with 
Metternich ! Down with the 

/c? ^ , soldiery!" and Metternich was 
of St. Mark j- - j i-, n ^ 

. ,, . dismissed. The emperor fled 
m Venice . , 1 t- 1 j ii a 1 

to the lyrol, and the Arch- 
duke John, the darling of the people, took 
his place. A Constituent Assembly met 
at Vienna in July. In Hungary, a country 
better suited for self-government, the 
change took a more solid shape. The seat of 
Parliament was transferred from Pressburg 
to Budapest. It issued a coinage, and 
formed an army under the Hungarian tri- 
colour. Austria was compelled to weaken 
her garrisons in Italy in order to subdue 
her revolted provinces north of the Alps. 
In March, Milan rose, and Radetsky 
retired within the Quadrilateral. Modena 
and Parma were left to themselves, and 
obtained constitutions. Cavour called the 
Piedmontese to arms ; Tuscany, Rome and 
Naples sent their troops to join their 
brethren of the North. In Venice, 
Daniele Manin, like-named but not like- 
minded with the last Doge, awakened to 
life a Republic of St. Mark. A revolution 
was organised, at once Liberal, monarch- 
ical, and national, under the three colours 
of the Italian flag, the emblems of passion, 
purity, and hope. 

The dream of liberty was short lived. 
It vanished before the approach of foreign 
armies. The Austrians defeated the Sar- 
dinians at Custozza, and reconquered the 
whole of Lombardy. A still more fatal 
blow fell at Novara, where Charles Albert 
was routed in March, 1849, ^^'^ abdicated 
in consequence. The crown came to his 
son, Victor Emmanuel, who afterwards 
became the first monarch of a united 

Italy. Venice fell, after a long 

siege, in August of the same 
Modena and Parma, 

who had joined themselves to 
Piedmont, were occupied by Austria, and 
their ducal governments were restored. 
Tuscany suffered the same fate, and the 
Grand Duke was compelled by the Aus- 
trian army of occupation to abrogate the 
constitution of 1848, so that his country 
became less free than it was before the 
revolution. Four Catholic Powers — 


The Siege 

and Fall 

of Venice •' 


France, Spain, Austria, and Naples — 
offered their assistance to the Pope, but 
the main burden of recovering the Holy 
City fell upon France. Rome, defended 
by Mazzini and Garibaldi, was captured 
in June, 1849 ; the Cardinals came into 
power with Antonelli at their head. The 
tricolour was surrendered. Italy was 
c ,• again spht into fragments, 

ta y pit (jgpgndent upon foreign force. 
P ° Sardinia alone remained a 

ragmeo s g^^.^^ ^^ liberty and hope. 

In Austria, the champion of reaction, the 
war of nationalities, which has always been 
to her a danger, now proved her salvation. 

A Panslavic Congress had been sum- 
moned at Prague, which was attended 
not only by Bohemians, Moravians, and 
Silesians, but by Russians, Poles, and 
Servians. But the Croatians turned 
against the Magyars, and the South Slavs 
against their brethren of the North. 
Prague was bombarded and Bohemia 
conquered ; the Croats marched upon 
Budapest. The emperor, who had fled 
from his capital and sought refuge in 
Moravia, made a common war against the 
German democrats and the Hungarian 
rebels, who had chosen Kossuth as their 
leader. Croats attacked Vienna from the 
east, Bohemians from the north. After a 
short struggle they were victorious ; the 
Hungarians, who had come to the assist- 
ance of the friends of liberty, were repulsed 
and an absolute government was restored. 
Hungary held out a little longer. 

A Hungarian Republic was established, 
with Kossuth as President. But the Rus- 
sians declared themselves the enemies of 
revolution, and Nicholas came to the aid of 
his brother emperor. An army 80,000 strong 
entered the country from the Carpathians. 
The Magyars capitulated at Vilagos, pre- 
ferring to fall into the hands of the 
Russians rather than into those of their 
ancient tyrants. Kossuth, after burying 
the Hungarian crown, sought refuge in 
_ _ . Turkey. Metternich was again 
_ . .'^ master, and the last state of 
^j jj the rebellious provinces was 

"^^''^ worse than the first. Prussia 
also had her " days of March," but here 
the middle-classes stood aloof, and the 
Liberals were left to fight out their battle 
against the army. 

The chief object of their attack was the 
Prince of Prussia, brother of the king, who 
was destined at a later period to be the 
first Emperor of Germany. The king at 


first tried to temporise. He promised a 
constitution, withdrew his troops, and 
sent the Prince of Prussia to England. He 
adopted the German tricolour, threw him- 
self upon the affection of his Prussians, 
and invoked the confidence of Germany. 
He granted a written constitution and a 
National Assembly elected by universal 
suffrage. But he soon discovered his mis- 
take, and was obliged to follow the example 
of Austria. The army re-entered the capital, 
took possession of the Parliament build- 
ings, dissolved the National Guard, and 
soon afterwards dispersed the Assembly. 
Absolute government was restored, veiled 
under the forms of a constitution. 

The Provisional Government in France, 
which succeeded the Orleans monarchy, 
was formed by a coalition, and therefore 
contained within itself the seeds of 
dissolution. One party aimed at the 
establishment of a democratic republic 
based on universal suffrage, the other 
desired a democratic and social republic, 
the chief object of which should be the 
elevation of the working classes. The 
tricolour of 1789 was opposed by the red 
flag of Louis Blanc. The battle 
• Vk St**" raged round the organisation 
'"f P^ • "^ ^ °^ labour and the establish- 
ment of national workshops. 
However, the Socialists had opposed to 
them the whole of France and half the 
capital, and they were unable to hold 
their own. A civil war broke out in the 
streets of Paris, and three days' fighting 
was required for the capture of the 
suburb of St. Antoine by General Cavaig- 
nac. The Socialist prisoners were shot 
or transported and their newspapers were 
suppressed. Eventually a constitution 
was agreed 'upon, which established a 
single chamber, a president holding office 
for four years, and a Council of State. 

The president was to be chosen by 
universal suffrage, and the election took 
place on December loth, 1848. Ledru 
Rollin was the candidate of the Socialists, 
Cavaignac of the Democrats, but both 
had to give way to Louis Napoleon, the 
inheritor of a mighty name, who was 
chosen by an overwhelming majority. 
This election could have no other result 
than the establishment of a monarchy. 
The coup d'etat of December 2nd, 1851, 
dissolved the Assembly, and arrested the 
leaders of the Republican party. Follow- 
ing the example of his uncle, Louis 
Napoleon was first made president for 


ten years, and shortly afterwards Emperor. 
The plebiscite accepting him as Emperor 
of the French was taken four years, to a 
day, after he had been elected president. 
By the events we have described 
absolute government was established over 
the whole of Europe, excepting Switzer- 
land and the countries which had not 
been affected by the revolutions of 1848. 
However, France preserved her principle 
of universal suffrage, Prussia and Sardinia 
their constitutions, with the fixed resolve 
of achieving the unity of Germany and of 
Italy, founded on the principle of nation- 
ality, which had been ignored by the 
Congress of Vie'nna. We now pass from the 
epoch of. revolutions to the epoch of war. 
The Crimean War of 1854 belongs to 
those events of history of which we do 
not precisely know the cause. There are 
probably few Englishmen who feel satisfied 
with their country's share in it, or who 
support it as an act of political wisdom. 
There are few, also, who would deny that 
we were led into it by the Emperor of 
the French. Louis Napoleon came to the 
throne of France pledged by conviction 
and by honour to effect the 
liberation of Italy from the 
Austrian yoke. This could not 
be done without war, and 
although France was strong enough to 
meet Austria in the field, she could not 
contend against Austria and Russia united. 
It therefore became necessary to weaken 
Russia before such a war could be under- 
taken, and the question of the Holy Places 
was seized upon with great adroitness as 
a colourable pretext for a war with Russia. 
Britain was easily, too easily, stirred 
to defend Turkey against aggression 
and dismemberment, and thus a conflict 
was begun of which we have little reason 
to be proud. Russia was prepared to 
meet an attack in the Baltic, in Poland, 
or on the Danube, but the Crimea was 
only feebly garrisoned. Still, Sebastopol 
held out, and the resources of the allies 
were strained to the utmost. A winter 
campaign became necessary in a desert 
country, subject to intense cold. The 
British lost half their troops, and no 
assistance came from Austria or Prussia. 

In the spring of 1855 the Emperor 
Nicholas died, and the war no longer had a 
motive. However, it continued under his 
successor, and Sebastopol did not fall until 
six months afterwards. Napoleon was 
ready to make peace, although Palmerston 




wished to go on fighting, and a treaty was 
eventually concluded at the Congress of 
Paris. Turkey lost the Danubian pro- 
vinces, but the integrity of her empire was 
guaranteed, while she promised reforms 
of administration which were never carried 
into effect. The navigation of the Danube 
was declared free, and the Black Sea 

^ neutral. Cavour had been 

Consequences , \ a. • ■ .1 

f tK clever enough to jom the 

^ . ,„ alliance, although Sardinia 

Crimean War , , ■ . . ",. 

had no mterest, du-ect or m- 
direct, in the questions in dispute. This 
gave him a right to take part in the 
congress, and the liberation of Italy 
entered for the first time into the domain 
of practical politics. The war undoubt- 
edly raised the prestige of the French 
Emperor, and gave him a commanding 
position in European affairs. It called 
Roumania into existence, and it recognised 
the claims of nationality in Italy. It was 
another blow to the principles of the 
Congress of Vienna, and it weakened the 
influence of Austria. 

It will be seen from this narrative that 
the Crimean War led directly to the 
Italian War of 1859. By adroit diplo- 
macy Austria was induced to invade 
Sardinian territory, and the armies of 
France crossed the Alps to defend her. 
The two allied armies were able to con- 
centrate at Alessandria before they could 
be attacked in detail. The Fattle of 
Magenta, having been lost in the morning, 
was won in the afternoon, MacMahon 
playing the part of Desaix at Marengo. 

The Austrians evacuated Lombardy 
and retired into the Quadrilateral to 
defend Venetia. After a hard struggle 
the Austrians were again defeated at Sol- 
ferino, but the bloodshed had so unnerved 
the emperor, and the quarrels between his 
marshals had so disgusted him, that he 
broke his promise of setting Italy free to 
the Adriatic, and made a peace which 
secured only Lombardy to Sardinia. He 
received in exchange Savoy 
The Damaged and Nice, but this second war 
Prestige of ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^ ^^ j^^^ prestige as 
Louis Napoleon ^j^^ first had been favour- 
able. Italy alone profited by the result. 
Parma, Modena, and Tuscany drove out 
their dukes ; Romagna set herself free 
from the Pope ; provisional governments 
were established in these provinces, ready 
for incorporation with the kingdom of 
the House of Savoy. Cavour, who had 
resigned after the Peace of V'illafranca. 



again became Prime Minister. The spell of 
Austrian domination was broken, and the 
establishment of an Italian kingdom, so 
long the dream of poets and patriots, 
became only a question of time. 

The scene of our drama shifts to another 
quarter. What Cavour had done for Italy 
Bismarck was to' do for Germany. The 
. rivalry between Austria and 
Fatar"* ^ Prussia for the leading position 
_^ * in Germany, and for the in- 

heritance of the Holy Roman 
Empire had been active ever since the 
Congress of Vienna. The policy of Napo- 
leon would have annihilated Prussia and 
strengthened Austria, but Metternich com- 
mitted the fatal blunder of joining the 
coalition of which the profits were to come 
to his rival instead of himself. 

There was a time when Hanover might 
have disputed with Prussia the first place 
in a Teutonic Empire, but it was im- 
possible that such a position could be held 
by a King of England, and the sovereignty 
of the British Isles was regarded as more 
valuable than the chances of a Continental 
crown. The share which Prussia had 
taken in the Waterloo campaign rendered 
her reward certain, and the world was 
disposed to favour Protestant progress 
rather than Catholic stagnation. 

Still, it is doubtful if Prussia would 
have gained the position which was the 
object of her desires unless Bismarck 
had been in her service, who, with a 
mixture of statesmanship and craft, of 
courage and audacity, half untied and half 
cut the Gordian knot of the situation. The 
Danish War of 1864 would probably never 
have taken place unless Bismarck had 
conveyed to the Danes the false assurance, 
based probably upon an intercepted 
dispatch, that she was certain to receive 
the support of Britain. The defeat of 
Denmark was speedy and inevitable, and 
the arrangements made by the Peace of 
Vienna ceded the duchies of Schleswig 
. and Holstein to Austria and 

th^^p °"^ ° Prussia under conditions which 
J. y.. madeafuturequarrelinevitable. 

The Schleswig-Holstein diffi- 
culty rose in great measure from the fact 
that whereas Holstein was almost entirely 
German — and, indeed, claimed to be a part 
of the old German Empire — Schleswig was 
more than half Danish, and yet the two 
duchies were united by a permanent bond 
which national feeling declared was never 
to be broken. " Schleswig-Holstein sea 


surrounded " was the text of their patriotic 
hymn. The arrangements for the joint 
occupation of the provinces by the two 
conflicting rivals provided that the Ger- 
man province should be occupied by 
Austria ; the semi-Danish by Prussia. 
This made a quarrel certain. The Prus- 
sian governor of Schleswig persecuted the 
partisans of independence ; the Austrian 
governor of Holstein encouraged them. 
The rupture was delayed for a time by the 
Convention of Gastein, but it came at last. 
In order to attack Austria with success 
it was necessary that Prussia should have 
Italy on her side. But Italy could not 
act without the consent of France, and 
this implied the approval of the Emperor 
Napoleon. At the interview of Biarritz, in 
October, 1865, Napoleon agreed to support 
Prussia against Austria, and declared him- 
self in favour of the unity of Italy, if some 
compensation were given to his own coun- 
try by an increase of territory. He desired 
to tear up the settlement of Vienna, so 
hostile to Napoleonic ideals. Bismarck 
adroitly encouraged these aspirations, but 
took care not to commit himself. It was 
found difficult to overcome the 
»^f ]^^ , , distrust which the Italians felt 

Distrust of r T-,- 1 T^, , J , 

_. , for Bismarck. Ihey hoped to 

Bismarck , , • ^^ i^- xu x 

obtam Venetia without a war, 
possibly by ceding the newly-created 
Roumania to Austria. Even King William 
was averse from force, and Bismarck stood 
alone, supported by his clear insight and 
his iron will. At last, in April, 1866, an 
offensive alliance with Italy was concluded 
for three months. Italy was to support 
Prussia in obtaining the hegemony of 
Germany, and was to receive Venetia in 
return. She asked for Trieste, but it was 
refused to her. Napoleon promised to 
remain neutral. 

In June, Prussia declared the federative 
tie which bound her to Austria dissolved. 
But she found herself alone. Bavaria, 
Wurtemberg, Saxony, and Hanover, to- 
gether with Hesse-Nassau, and Baden, 
supported Austria. Prussia had to rely 
upon her well- drilled army and her 
admirable arrangements for mobilisation. 
Napoleon hoped that between combatants 
so equally matched the war would be of 
some duration, and that, when both were 
exhausted, he could come forw^ard as 
a mediator, and make his own terms. But 
these hopes were shattered by the rapidity 
of the Prussian movements. Before the 
end of June the arm.y of Hanover had 


capitulated, Saxony was occupied, Bohemia 
invaded, and on July 3rd the Battle of 
Koniggratz, won largely by the genius of 
the Crown Prince Frederic, ended the 
struggle, and the way lay open to Vienna. 

At the same time the Italians were 
defeated at Custozza by a force inferior 
in numbers, but this did not prevent the 
Austrians having to surrender Venetia to 
Napoleon, who gave it to the Italians. 
The southern states of Germany were 
incapable of effective action. They were 
beaten in detail ; Frankfort was occupied, 
Austria was compelled to abandon her 
allies, who had no alternative but to make 
peace; Prussia became the undisputed 
head of the German confederation. Europe 
was dazed and bewildered by the rapidity 
and completeness of her success. 

Napoleon found himself deceived, and 
every step which he took to recover his 
position led to new disasters. His attempt 
to gain possession of the Grand Duchy of 
Luxemburg proved a failure. He looked 
about in vain for allies. A triple alliance 
was proposed with Austria and Italy, but 
Austria was exhausted and dreaded another 
war, while Italy demanded 
the withdi awal of the French 

The Greatest 
War of 
Modern Times 

from Rome. Nothing could 
be obtained beyond general 
declarations of sympathy and friendship. A 
proposition made in the beginning of 1870 
for a mutual disarmament came to nothing. 
At last, at a moment when peace seemed to 
be assured, war broke out with the sudden- 
ness of an earthquake. The clumsiness of 
a French Minister who, not satisfied with 
a material victory, demanded a humiliating 
declaration from the Prussian king, the 
genius of Bismarck, who seized an un- 
equalled opportunity for precipitating a 
conflict which he regarded as inevitable, 
so as to have the nation and the sovereign 
on his side, caused the greatest war of 
modern times, by the results of which 
Europe is still dominated. 

War was declared on July 19th, and the 
emperor left for the front. But he had no 
illusion as to the result. The empress who, 
stung to the heart by the taunts of Ger- 
many, had stimulated the conflict, was 
unable to inspire him with hope. He left 
St. Cloud, accompanied by his son, as a 
victim led to the slaughter, and the final 
catastrophe was not long delayed. The 
war of 1870 was more than a local conflict. 
It must be reckoned among the vital 
struggles which have convulsed Europe 

since the fall of the Roman Empire ; a 
scene, but probably not a closing scene, 
in the secular rivalry between the 
Roman and the Teuton. 

It was said at the time that Sedan 
avenged Tagliacozzo, that the French 
emperor expiated on that field the murder 
of the Hohenstauffen Conradin by the 
^ ^. - brother of St. Louis. Regarded 

Creation of r ■ -j. <• 

,. „ from a more prosaic pomt of 

theU'rinan •, J^ ,, \-,- r 

„ . view, it upset the politics of 

™ "^^ Europe. It created a German 

Empire, with Prussia at. its head, and 

gave that country a preponderance in 

Europe. It achieved the unity of Italy, 

and destroyed the temporal power of the 

Pope. It opened the question of the East 

by putting an end to the neutrality of the 

Black Sea. It established in France a 

republican government which seems to be 

durable, and it transferred that neutral 

territory between Neustria and Austrasia- — 

which appears to have come into existence 

from the accident of Lewis the Pious 

having three sons instead of two — ^from 

the French to the German side of his 

dominions. Whether this arrangement 

will be permanent or not, none can say. 

It produced by force a settlement of 

Europe very different to those which were 

established at Miinster, at Utrecht, or 

at Vienna, and we still lie under the 

conditions which it created. 

Nearly forty years have elapsed since 
the war of 1870, almost as long a period as 
intervened between the Battle of Waterloo 
and the Crimean war. Can Europe be now 
declared to be in a state of equilibrium, or 
is she menaced by convulsions similar to 
those which we have sketched ? 

Political prophecy is always dangerous ; 
rarely can the most far-sighted statesman 
foresee what is going to happen. The 
danger long dreaded frequently never 
comes, and the catastrophe arises in a 
season of complete security. Still, if we 
pass the map of Europe in review, we shall 
_. _ , . find a great improvement 
The Relations ^-^^^ ^^^^ Congress of Vienna, 

of France , i: r ii <- ^ ,^ 

. „ ., . and we may believe that our 

and Britain , , -^ x i j i „ 

hopes of peaceiul develop- 
ment for Europsan nations rests upon a 
firmer basis. France appears to be firmly 
established in the form ot a republic, and is 
supported by the friendship of the British 
Empire. Even if she were to change her 
government, it would not necessarily pro- 
duce a European war. Spain is recovering 
from her disasters and entering upon a new 


career of prosperity, while Portugal will 
probably follow her example. Both 
monarchies are, however, menaced by the 
presence of a strong republican party, which 
is encouraged by the presence of a republic 
in France. The two most momentous 
events in the period under discussion have 
been the creation of a united Germany 
and a united Italy. Both of 
Changes these seem likely to be perma- 
"^ A V.^^^^ nent. The divergence between 
* ^ the feelings and interests of 
Northern and Southern Germany has, to a 
large extent, disappeared, and the friend- 
ship which animates them has become 
stronger in the course of years. It was the 
King of Bavaria who proposed, in the 
great gallery of Versailles, that the King 
of Prussia should be Emperor of Germany, 
and in doing so he expressed the sentiments 
not only of the present, but of the future. 

No one who was acquainted with Italy 
in the days before Magenta and Solferino 
can fail to recognise the change which has 
come over that country.* The debt in- 
curred in extending the Italian railways, 
in piercing the Alps and the Apennines, 
has been completely justified, and the 
prei'^ience of those who brought it about 
has been proved by its success. There is a 
constant movement of the population 
between south and north, and the 
National Army of Italy has proved not 
only a potent instrument of education, 
but a means of creating a feeling of 
nationality for which the provincialism of 
earlier days left no scope. It has even had 
an effect upon the language and literature 
of the country. Italian has now sup- 
planted French as the language of the 
higher classes, and books are now written 
in Italian which in old days would have 
been written in dialect. 

The position of the Pope at Rome is 
still a cause of discord, but there is hope 
that by concessions on each side these 
differences may disappear. As we move 
further east, the outlook 

What is 
the Future 
of Austria ? 

becomes less favourable. Who 
can foretell the future of Austria 

or of Russia ? Austria, an 
ill-assorted congeries of discordant nation- 
alities — Magyar and Czech, Italian and 
Slavonic — is held under a German head 
by the force of old traditions and the fear 
of a civil war, wliich might be caused by a 
disruption. But it is probable that even 
here the danger may be averted, and at the 
death of the present emperor means may be 


found of reconciling differences, which 
appear irreconcilable, by the exercise of 
political common sense, and of a patriotism 
which, if not based on sentiment and affec- 
tion, may at least be founded upon interest. 
Russia, the unwieldy giant, a huge 
territory sparsely peopled by discordant 
elements, governed from an artificially 
created capital, which is removed every 
day further away from the centre of gravity 
of affairs, as the frontiers of the empire 
spread further to the east, may, perhaps, 
split up into its component elements, 
Asiatic and European, or, by a wise 
extension of constitutional government, 
may continue to exist for a considerable 
time. Many prophecies of its fall have 
been shown to be false, and those who 
know it best have the surest confidence 
in its stability. Turkey must always remain 
an apple of discord. The forces which 
have, during a long course of years, dis- 
membered its territory and gradually 
liberated suffering provinces from its 
yoke will continue to be active, and, when 
the intelligence of Europe has leisure to 
attend to it, will free Constantinople from 
her servitude, and drive the 

The Startling 
Revolution of 
the Year 1908 

Ottoman Turk into Asia ; 
unless, indeed, the startling 

revolution of igo8 proves 
the true precursor of a transformation in 
his character and methods without his- 
torical parallel. Portions of the world 
to which culture owes so much, which 
have had so glorious a past, which gave the 
world so much of Greek literature, philo- 
sophy and eloquence, which were the first 
to feel the awakening influence of Chris- 
tianity, cannot remain for ever in a 
condition of inglorious slumber. 

Greece, which has completely justified the 
enthusiasm for liberty which called her into 
existence, will receive not only Crete, 
but other provinces which once belonged 
to her, and the Bulgarians will enjoy the 
reward of their patient industry and their 
solid capacity for practical affairs. The 
world has seen the principles of territorial 
sovereignty, of the balance of power, of 
so-called legitimacy, which so long 
dominated the politics of Europe, receive 
their consecration in the Congress of 
Vienna. It has seen the principle of 
nationality, unfortunately ignored in the 
arrangements of that congress, create a 
new Germany and a new Italy, and work 
powerfully among the Slavs, still subject 
to the domination of alien masters. 


It is probable that the principle which is 
destined to conciliate divergent interests, 
to reconcile rivalries, and to establish 
the government of Europe upon a firm 
basis of stable equilibrium, is the principle 
of federation, a mode of government which 
is possible only in an advanced state of 
civilisation, and is certain to be accepted 
in proportion as civilisation advances. 
Much of the unrest which now renders 
government difficult is due to the fact 
that legislation which benefits one part of 
a country is harmful to another part. 

Ireland cannot be governed satisfactorily 
on English methods, and measures which 
are beneficial to Lombardy are inapplicable 
to Sicily. The particularism of Spain, 
which makes Catalonia a centre of disorder, 
can be remedied only by a policy which 
allows the provinces of that country to a 
large extent to govern themselves. The 
woi'ld is shrinking. The trend of affairs 
in the world of our time is towards the 
creation of vast empires, the formation 
of large political units. 

But this spirit of what is sometimes 
called imperialism can be safely carried out 
only by strengthening the smaller political 
units of which the larger units are com- 
posed. Extensive outlooks, the manage- 
ment of affairs on a vast scale, cannot be 
indulged in unless care is taken not to 
weaken the intensive feelings which are 
equally essential to political well-being. 
A statesman must rely not only on the 
wider patriotism, which carries with it 
untold benefits wherever it is found, but 

on the domestic virtues of local and 
municipal patriotism, the love of our 
country, our province, and our town. 

The tendency to foster local languages 
and local ties, which is sometimes regarded 
as injurious to the higher interests of 
humanity, is in reality the outcome of. a 
natural instinct of self-preservation. Long 
ago the Romans taught us that the two 
essential bases of all government are 
Imperium and Libertas — ill-translated 
Empire and Liberty — one the exercise ol 
firm rule, the other the concession to the 
freedom of individual action. The recon- 
ciliation of these two forces is to be found 
in federation, a form of government which 
is constantly making progress among us. 
By this every citizen owes a double 
allegiance, one to his municipal sur- 
roundings, which appeals to sentiments 
which belong to his birth, his education 
and his race ; and the other to his imperial 
position, which enables him to enjoy a 
larger life and to take his proper share in 
the administration of the world. The 
Roman Empire, the Holy Roman Empire, 
have passed away ; a British Empire and 
other similar combinations are coming 
into being. The scientific pursuit of this 
ideal, guided by the best political thought, 
and carried into execution by the highest 
political wisdom, is the only means by 
which we may hope to realise the theme 
of poets, the dream of statesmen, a goal 
which is yet far distant, but which is 
not impossible, the Federation of the 
World. Oscar Browning 








AT the Congress of Vienna nations were 
but rarely, and national rights and 
desires never, a subject of discussion. 
The Cabinets — that is to say, the princes 
of Europe, their officials, and in particular 
the diplomatists — arranged the mutual 
relations of states almost exclusively with 
reference to dynastic interests and differ- 
ences in national power ; though in the case 
of France it was necessary to consult 
national susceptibihties, and in England the 
economic demands of the upper classes 
of society came into question. The term 
" state " implied a ruling court, a govern- 
ment, and nothing beyond, not only to 
Prince Metternich, but also to the majority 
of his coadjutors. These institutions were 
the sole surviving representatives of that 
feudal organism which for more than a 
thousand years had undertaken the larger 
proportion of the task of the state. 

Principalities of this kind were not 
founded upon the institutions of civic 
life, which had developed under feudal 
society ; the rule of the aristocracy 
had fallen into decay, had grown anti- 
quated or had been abolished, and as the 
monarchy increased in power at the ex- 
pense of t]ie classes, it had invariably 
employed instruments of government more 
scientifically constructed in 
<aropean detail. Bureaucracies had 

governments ^ j. i j • 

. „ . ,. arisen. Governments had m- 
in Evolution , j ^ j. j 

tervened between princes and 

peoples and had become , ends in them- 
selves. The theory of "subordination," 
which in feudal society had denoted an 
economic relation, now assumed a political 
character ; it was regarded as a necessary 
extension of the idea of sovereignty, which 
had become the sole and ultimate basis of 

public authority in the course of the 
seventeenth century. The impulse of the 
sovereigns to extend the range of their 
authority, and a conception more or less 
definite of the connection between this 
authority and certain ideal objects, re- 
sulted in the theory that the guidance of 
society was a governmental 
.J * J?.*^^! task, and consequently laid 

Idea of The • ^ \. x 

n- V* r « ,, an ever-mcreasmg number of 
Rights of Man , • i j j 

claims and demands upon 

the government for the time being. 
To this conception of the rights of 
princes and their delegates, as a result of 
historic growth, the French Revolution 
had opposed the idea of " the rights of 
man." To the National Assembly no 
task seemed more necessary or more 
imperative than the extirpation of errone- 
ous theories from the general thought of 
the time ; such theories had arisen from 
the exaggerated importance attached to 
monarchical power, had secured recogni- 
tion, and had come into operation, simply 
because they had never been confuted. 
Henceforward sovereignty was to be 
based upon the consent of the community 
as a whole. Thus supported by the 
sovereign will of the people, France had 
entered upon war with the monarchical 
states of Europe where the exercise of 
supreme power had been the ruler's 
exclusive right. It was as an exponent 
of the sovereign rights of the people that 
the empire of Napoleon Bonaparte had 
attempted to make France the paramount 
Power in Europe ; it was in virtue of the 
power entrusted to him by six millions 
of Frenchmen that the Emperor had led 
his armies far beyond the limits of French 
domination and had imposed his personal 



will upon the princes of Europe by means 
of a magnificent series of battles. Within 
a period of scarce two decades the balance 
of power had swung to the opposite 
extreme, and had passed back from the 
sovereign people to the absolute despot. 
Monarchs and nations shared alike in the 
task of overpowering this tyranny which 
. had aimed at abolishing en- 
c rowing ^-j-gjy ^j^g rights of nations as 

.1. n 1 such ; but from victory the 
the People . , ^ • ^ ^ 

prmces alone derived advan- 
tage. With brazen effrontery literary time- 
servers scribbled their histories to prove 
that only the sovereigns and their armies 
deserved the credit of the overthrow of 
Napoleon, and that the private citizen 
had done no more service than does the 
ordinary fireman at a conflagration. 

However, their view of the situation was 
generally discredited. It could by no 
means be forgotten that the Prussians had 
forced their king to undertake a war of 
liberation, and the services rendered by 
Spain and the Tyrol could not be wholly 
explained by reference to the commands of 
legally constituted authorities ; in either 
case it was the people who by force of 
arms had cast off the yoke imposed upon 
them. The will of the people had made 
itself plainly understood ; it had dechned 
the alien rule even though that rule had 
appeared under the names of freedom, 
reform, and prosperity. 

Once again the princely families re- 
covered their power and position ; they 
had not entertained the least idea of 
dividing among themselves the spoils 
accumulated by the Revolution which had 
been taken from their kin, their relations, 
and their allies ; at the same time they 
were by no means inclined to divide the 
task of administering the newly created 
states with the peoples inhabiting them. 
They tacitly unitecl in support of the 
conviction, which became an article of 
faith with all legitimists, that their position 
, and prosperity were no less im- 

e u jec s pQj-^g^j^^ than the maintenance 


was explained as the duty of 
the subject to recognise both the former 
and the latter ; and by increasing his 
personal prosperity, the subject was to 
provide a sure basis on which to increase 
the powers of the government. However, 
" the limited intelligence of the subjects " 
strove against this interpretation of the 
facts ; they could not forget the enormous 


sacrifices which had been made to help 
those states threatened by the continuance 
of the Napoleonic supremacy, and in many 
cases already doomed to destruction. 
The value of their services aroused them 
to question also the value of what they 
had attained, and by this process of 
thought they arrived at critical theories 
and practical demands which " legitimist " 
teaching was unable to confute. 

The supreme right of princes to wage 
war and conclude peace rested upon 
satisfactory historic foundation, and was 
therefore indisputable. In the age of 
feudal society it was the lords, the free 
landowners, who had waged war, and not 
the governments ; and their authority had 
been limited only by their means. Neither 
the lives nor the property of the com- 
monalty had ever come in question except 
in cases where their sympathies had been 
enlisted by devastation, fire, and slaughter ; 
to actual co-operation in the undertakings 
of the overlord the man of the people had 
never been bound, and such help had been 
voluntarily given. After the conception 
of sovereignty had been modified by the 
ideaof "government" the situa- 
Evii Results ^ .^^ ^^^ ^gg^ changed. Military 
of the J J i.- 

_ . . powers and duties were now 

dissociated from the feuda:l 
classes ; the sinews of war were no longer 
demanded from the warriors themselves, 
and the provision of means became a 
government duty. However, no new rights 
had arisen to correspond with these 
numerous additional duties. The vassal, 
now far more heavily burdened, demanded 
his rights : the people followed his 
example. That which was to be supported 
by the general efforts of the whole of the 
members of any body politic must surely 
be a matter of general concern. The state 
also has duties incumbent upon it, the 
definition of which is the task of those 
who support the state. Such demands 
were fully and absolutely justified ; a 
certain transformation of the state and of 
society was necessary and inevitable. 

Few princes, and still fewer officials, 
recognised the overwhelming force of these 
considerations ; in the majority of cases 
expression of the popular will was another 
name for revolution. The Revolution had 
caused the overthrow of social order. It 
had engendered the very worst of human 
passions, destroyed professions and pro- 
perty, sacrificed a countless number of 
human lives, and disseminated infidelity 


The Tsar's 
Lost Faith in 

and immorality ; revolution therefore 
must be checked, must be nipped in the 
bud in the name of God, of civihsation 
and social order. This opinion was founded 
upon the fundamental mistake of refusing 
to recognise the fact that all rights implied 
corresponding duties ; while disregarding 
every historical tradition and assenting to 
the dissolution of every feudal idea, it did 
nothing to introduce new relations or to 
secure a compromise between the prince 
and his subjects. 

This point of view was known as Con- 
servatism ; its supporters availed them- 
selves of the unnatural limitations laid 
upon the subject un- 
duly to aggrandise 
and systematically to 
increase the privileges 
of the ruling class; 
and .this process re- 
ceived the name of 
statecraft. This 
conservative state- 
craft, of which Prince 
Metternich was proud 
to call himself a 
master, proceeded 
from a dull and spirit- 
less conception of 
the progress of the 
world ; founded upon 
a complete lack of 
historical knowledge, 
it equally failed to 
lecognise any distinct 
purpose as obligatory 
on the state. Of politi- 
cal science Metternich ,, ,, r nTlf''^ ""^•"^'i^.^T.^ -u 

I , , After the fall of Napoleon, in isin, Metternich stepped 

IldQ none, ne maue into the place vacated by the emperor as the first person- 

gOOd the deficiency ality in Europe, and, as the avowed champion of Con- 

bv the general ad- servatlsm, opposed forces that were destined to ultimate 

„• 1 • 1-1 1 • triumph. He was overthrown in 1S4S, and died in 1S59. 

muation which his 

intellect and character inspired. His diaries 

and many of his letters are devoted to 

the glorification of these merits. A know- 
ledge of his intellectual position and of 

that of the majority of his diplomatic 
colleagues is an indispensable 
preliminary to the under- 
standing of the aberrations 
into which the statesmen of 

the so-called Restoration period fell. 

The restored Government of the 

Bourbons in France was indeed provided 

with a constitution. It was thus that 

Tsar Alexander I. had attempted to 

display his liberal tendencies and his 

good-will to the French nation ; but he 
u 23 G 

The Restored 
Government of 
the Bourbons 

had been forced to leave the Germans and 
Italians to their fate, and had satisfied, 
liis conscience by the insertion of a few 
expressions in the final protocol of the 
Vienna Congress. Subsequently he 

suffered a cruel chsappointment in the case 
of Poland, which proceeded to 
misuse the freedom that had 
been granted to it by the con- 
coction of conspiracies and by 
continual manifestations of dissatisfaction. 
He began to lose faith in Liberalism as 
such, and became a convert to Metternich's 
policy of forcibly suppressing every popu- 
lar movement for freedom. Untouched 
by the enthusiasm of 
the German youth, 
which for the most 
part had displayed 
after the war of 
liberation the noblest 
sense of patriotism, 
and could provide 
for the work of re- 
storation and reor- 
ganisation coadjutors 
highly desirable to a 
far-seeing adminis- 
tration; incapable of 
understanding the 
Italian yearnings for 
union and activity, 
and for the founda- 
tion of a federal state 
free from foreign in- 
fluences, the great 
Powers of Austria, 
Russia, and Prussia 
employed threats and 
force in every form, 
with the object of 
imposing constitu- 
tions of their own 
choice upon the people, whose desires for 
reform they wholly disregarded. Austria 
had for the moment obtained a magnificent 
position in the German Confederacy. This, 
however, the so-called statecraft of Con- 
servatism declined to use for the con- 
solidation of the federation, which Austria 
at the same time desired to exploit for her 
own advantage. Conservatism never, in- 
deed, gave the smallest attention to the 
task of uniting the interests of the allied 
states by institutions making for pros- 
perity, or by the union of their, several 
artistic and scientific powers ; it seemed 
more necessary and more salutary to limit 
as far as possible the influence of the 



popular representatives in the adminis- 
tration of the alHed states, and to prevent 
the introduction of constitutions which 
gave the people rights of real and tangible 
value. The conservative statesmen did 
not observe that even governments could 
derive but very scanty advantage by 
ensuring the persistence of conditions 

which were the product of no 
Austria s national or economic course 

of development ; they did 

to Russia 

not see that the power of the 
governments was decreasing, and that 
they possessed neither the money nor the 
troops upon which such a system must 
ultimately depend. In the East, under 
the unfortunate guidance of Metternich. 
Austria adopted a position in no way 
corresponding to her past or to her religious 
aspirations ; in order not to alienate the 
help of Russia, which might be useful in 
the suppression of revolutions, Austria 
surrendered that right, which she had 
acquired by the military sacrifices of the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, of 
appearing as the liberator of the Balkan 
Christians from Turkish oppression. 

Political history provides many ex- 
amples of constitutions purely despotic, of 
the entirely selfish aspirations of persons, 
families, or parties, of the exploitation of 
majorities by minorities, of constitutions 
which profess to give freedom to all, while 
securing the dominance of individuals ; 
but illusions of this kind are invariably 
connected with some definite object, and 
in every case we can observe aspirations 
for tangible progress or increase of power. 

But the Conservatism of the Restoration 
period rests upon a false conception of 
the working of political forces, and is 
therefore from its very outset a policy of 
mere bungling, as little able to create as 
to maintam. Of construction, of purifi- 
cation, or of improvement, it was utterly 
incapable ; for in fact the object of the 

conservative statesmen and 
Defects of 



their highest ambition wer.' 
nothing more than to capture 

the admiration of that court 
society in which they figured in their uni- 
form? and decorations. For many princely 
families it was a grave misfortune that they 
failed to recognise the untenable character 
of those "principles" by which their 
^linisters, their masters of ceremonies, and 
their ofticers professed themselves able to 
uphold their rights and their possessions ; 
many, indeed, have disappeared for ever 


from the scene of history, while others 
have passed through times of bitter trial 
and deadly struggle. 

From their armed alliance against 
Napoleon a certain feeling of federative 
union seized the European Cabinets. The 
astounding events, the fall of the Caesar 
from his dizzy height, had, after all the free 
thinking of the Revolutionary period and 
the superficial enlightenment, once more 
strengthened the belief in the dispositions 
of a Higher Power. The effect on the 
tsar, Alexander I., was the most peculiar. 

His temperament, naturally idealistic, 
moved him to an extreme religiosity, 
intensified and marked by strong mystical 
leanings, to many minds suggestive of 
the presence of something like mania. He 
was not without friends who encouraged 
him to regard himself as a special " in- 
strument " with a religious mission, who 
was to raise Europe to a new level of 
Christianity through his power as a ruler ; 
in contradistinction to Napoleon, whom 
he probably, in common with a good 
many other mystics, had come to regard 
as Antichrist. Alexander did not pose 
as the champion of a Church, 
The Tsar ^^^ j,^^ wanted to assume the 

HoTTma"ce '°'^ "^ ^^'^ '^^^^ Christian 

brother monarchs along the same path. Un- 
fortunately, the conception of the divine 
mission developed the idea of divine mon- 
archical authority ; so that from his early 
notions of Liberty he passed to the stage of 
identifying the cause of Absolutism and of 
Legitimism with the cause of Christianity. 
Thus, he was moved to materialise his 
ideals in the form of a Christian union 
of nations, a Holy Alliance. This scheme 
he laid before his brother rulers. 

Frederic William HI., also a pietist in 
his way, immediately agreed ; so did 
Francis L, after some deliberation. On 
September 26tli the three monarchs 
concluded this alliance in Paris. They 
wished to take as the standard of their 
conduct, both in the internal affairs of 
their countries and in external matters, 
merely the precepts of Christianity, justice, 
love, and psaceableness ; regarding each 
other as brothers, they wished to help 
each other on every occasion. As pleni- 
potentiaries of Divine Providence they 
promised to be the fathers of their subjects 
and to lead them m the spirit of brother- 
hood, in order to protect religion, peace, 
and justice ; and they recommended their 


ovn peoples to exercise themselves daily 
in Christian principles and the fulfilment 
ol Christian duties. Every Power which 
w( uld acknowledge such principles might 
join the alliance. Almost all the states 
of Europe gradually joined the Holy 
Alliance. The sultan was obviously ex- 
cluded, while the Pope declared that he 
had always possessed the Christian verity 
and required no new exposition of it. 
Great Britain refused, from regard to her 
constitution and to parliament ; Europe 
was spared the presentation of the Prince 
Regent as a devotee of the higher morality. 
There was no international basis to the 
Holy Alliar^^e, which only had the value 
of a personal declaration, with merely a 
moral obligation for the monarchs con- 
nected with it. In its beginnings the Alliance 
aimed at an ideal ; and its founders were 
sincere in their purpose. But it soon 
became, and rightly, the object of universal 
detestation ; for Metternich was master 
of Alexander, and from the promise of the 
potentates to help each other on every 
opportunity he deduced the right to 
iiiterfere in the internal affairs of foreign 

states. The Congresses of 

eaguc Carlsbad, Troppau, Laibach 

uropean ^^^ Verona were the offshoots 

of this unholy conception. 
In addition to the Holy Alliance, the 
Treaty of Chaumont was renewed. 
On November 20th, 1815, at Paris, 
Russia, Great Britain, Austria, and Prussia 
pledged themselves that their sovereigns 
would meet periodically to deliberate on 
the peace, security, and welfare of Europe, 
or would send their responsible Ministers 
for the purpose. France, which had so 
long disturbed the peace of Europe, was 
to be placed under international police 
supervision, even after the army of occu- 
pation had left its soil. 

The first of these congresses met at 
Aix-la-Chapelle, and showed Europe that 
an aristocratic league of Powers stood at 
its head. Alexander, Francis, and Fred- 
eric William appeared in person, accom- 
panied by numerous diplomatists, among 
them Metternich, Gentz, Hardenberg, 
Humboldt, Nesselrode, Pozzo di Borgo, 
and Capodistrias ; France was represented 
by Richelieu ; Great Britain by Welling- 
ton, Castlereagh, and Canning. The 
chief question to be decided by the con- 
ferences, which began on September 30th, 
1818, was the evacuation of France. The 
Duke of Richelieu obtained on October 

gth an agreement according to which 
France should be evacuated by the allied 
troops before November 30th, 1818, in- 
stead of the year 1820, and the costs of the 
war and the indemnities still to be paid 
were considerably lowered. On the other 
hand, he did not succeed in forming a 
quintuple aUiance by securing the ad- 
. mission of France as a member 
the Hoi ^ ^^^'^ ^^^^ quadruple alliance. It 
^Ij. ^ is true that France was received 
on November 15th into the 
federation of the Great Powers, and that it 
joined the Holy Alliance ; but the recip- 
rocal guarantee of the five Great Powers, 
advocated by Alexander and Ancillon, 
did not come to pass ; the four Powers 
renewed in secret on November 15th the 
Alliance of Chaumont, and agreed upon 
military measures to be adopted in the 
event of a war with France. We have 
already spoken of the settlement of the 
dispute between Bavaria and Baden ; 
the congress occupied itself also with other 
European questions without achieving 
any successes, and increased the severity of 
the treatment of the exile on St. Helena. 
Alexander I. of Russia, who was now 
making overtures to Liberalism throughout 
Europe and supported the constitutional 
principle in Poland, soon returned from 
that path ; he'grew colder in his friendship 
for the unsatisfied Poles, and became a 
loyal pupil of Metternich, led by the 
rough " sergeant of Gatshina," Count 
Araktcheieff. Although art, literature, and 
science flourished in his reign, although 
the fame of Alexander Pushkin was at 
its zenith, the fear of revolution, assas- 
sination, and disbelief cast a lengthening 
shadov/ over the policy of Alexander, and 
he governed in a mystic reactionary spirit. 
\\nien it became apparent that Alexan- 
der had broken with the Liberal party, 
Metternich and Castlereagh rubbed their 
hands in joy at his conversion, and the 
pamphlet of the prophet of disaster, 
Alexander Stourdza, " On the 
Present Condition of Germany, ' ' 

The Tsar's 
Break with 
the Liberals 

which was directed against the 
freedom of study in the univer- 
sities and the freedom of the Press, when 
put before the tsar at Aix-la-Chapelle, 
intensified his suspicious aversion to all 
that savoured of liberty. The conference 
of ambassadors at Paris was declared 
closed. The greatest concord seemed to 
reign between the five Great Powers when 
the congress ended on November 21st. 















IN the nature of things, the British 
* nation at all times stands to a certain 
extent outside the general course of Con- 
tinental pohtics. The political organism 
developed far in advance of other nations ; 
the English polity, assimilating Scotland 
and Ireland, had achieved long before the 
French Revolution a liberty elsewhere un- 
known. Political power had become the 
property not indeed of people at large, 
but, in effect, of the whole landowning 
class, a body altogether different from the 
rigid aristocratic castes of Europe ; and 
absolutism or the prospect of absolutism 
had long vanished. In the latter half of 
the eighteenth century there had been 
indications of a democratic movement, to 
which the beginnings of the French Revo- 
lution gave a considerable impulse. But 
its later excesses gave a violent check to 
that impulse throughout the classes which 
held political power, causing a strong anti- 
democratic reaction ; although a precisely 
contrary effect was produced in the classes 
from whom political power was withheld. 
That is to say. Europe in general and the 
United Kingdom, like Europe, showed the 
common phenomenon of a proletariat 
roused by the French Revolution to a 
desire for political power, and rulers who 
were convinced that the granting of such 
power would entail anarchy and ruin ; 
while material force was on the side of the 
rulers. But the distinction between the 
composition of the ruling class in the 
United Kingdom and in the Continental 
states remained as it was before 
the Revolution : though the ex- 
isting Ministry in Great Britain 
was reactionary to an ex- 
ceptional degree, the sympathies of the 
ruling class were with constitutionalism, 
not with absolutism. Moreover, Great 
Britain was free from any idea that she 
had a divine mission to impose her own 
pohtical theories on her neighbours, and 
had a conviction, on the whole wholesome, 




that her intervention in foreign affairs 
should be restricted as far as possible to 
the exercise of a restraining influence in 
the interests of peace. 

Thus we find Great Britain in the nine- 
teenth century for the most part pursuing 
her own way ; taking her own course of 

Great Britain P^'^^^^^^ development, influ- 
_ ,. . enced only m a very second- 
a rattern to -, -^ , ^ . 

Other Lands f^y '^^^'^.^ ^j affairs on 
the Contment, on which 
she in turn exercises usually only a very 
minor influence, save as providing a 
pattern for reformers in other lands. 
Her part in world-historj^, as distinct from 
domestic history, is played outside of 
Europe altogether, in the development of 
the extra-European Empire, as already 
related in the histories of India, Africa, 
and Australasia, and to be related in the 
American volume. In European history, 
interest centres not in these islands, 
but in the readjustments which have 
issued in the reorganisation of Germany 
as a great and homogeneous Central 
European power, in the German Empire 
which we know to-day ; in the re- 
organisation of France as the Republic 
which we know to-day ; and in the 
hberation and unification of Italy, and 
of minor nationalities. 

Great Britain had played her full part — 
a conspicuously unselfish one — in the 
Congress of Vienna and the settlements 
of Europe after the final overthrow of 
Napoleon. In the period immediately 
ensuing she made her influence felt, not 
by her intervention, but by her refusal of 
pressing invitations to intervene, and pre- 
sently by her refusals to countenance the 
unwarranted intervention of other Powers. 
Thus the British representatives dechned 
to join the Holy AUiance of the gi-eat 
Powers which was formed at Vienna in 
1815 for the repression of liberal prin- 
ciples, and the foreign policy of the Tories 
was marked by a strong sympathy for the 



The four statesmen whose portraits are given above— Peel, Canning, Huskisson and Palmerston — exercised a powerful 
influence upon the Cabinet which they joined in 1822, moderating: the foreign policy of the Tories and informing it with a 
strong sympathy for the principles of liberty. Three of them— Peel, Palmerston, and Canning— became Prime Ministers. 

principles of liberty and nationality. But 
this was due to the influence of the 
l\Ioderates— Peel, Canning, Huskisson, and 
Palmerston — who joined the Cabinet in 
1822. The extreme Tories sympathised 
with the aims of the Holy Alliance, and 
had resolved under no circumstances to 
impede its efforts. The refusal of Great 
Britain to assist in bolstering up the 
Spanish dynasty ; her consent to 
recognise the independence of the 


Spanish colonies and Brazil ; her defence 
of Portugal against the forces of Dom 
Miguel, the absolutist pretender, and Fer- 
dinand Vn. of Spain ; her intervention 
to save Greece from the Sultan and 
Mehemet Ali — all these generous actions 
were the work of Canning, and would 
never have been sanctioned by Castle- 
reagh, his predecessor at the Foreign 
Office. In domestic policy the spirit of 
reaction reigned supreme. During the 


3^ears 1815 to 1822 class interests and the 
morbid fear of revolution were responsible 
for a series of repressive enactments which 
were so unreasonably severe that they 
increased the popular sympathy for the 
principles against which they were directed. 
After 1822 came the period in which the 
extreme Tories-gave way tardily and with 
the worst of graces. 

The peace was inaugurated with a new 
corn law, framed in the interests of the 
landowning classes, from which both 
Houses of Parliament were 
chiefly recruited. This pro- 
hibited the importation of 
foreign corn until the price of 
80s. a quarter should be reached ; that is, 
until the poorer classes should be reduced 
to a state of famine. The statutory price 
before this date had been mereh' 48s. The 
change was naturally followed in many 
places by bread riots and incendiarism. 
The Government replied by calling out the 
soldiery and framing coercive measures. 
In 1 81 9 a mass meeting which ' had 
assembled in St. Peter's Field, at Man- 
chester, was broken up with considerable 
bloodshed ; Parliament, which had already 

Bread Riots 


suspended the Habeas Corpus, pro- 
ceeded to pass the Six Acts giving the 
executive exceptional powers to break up 
seditious meetings and to punish the 
authors of seditious libels. The })owers 
thus obtained were stretched to their 
utmost limits, on the pretext that such 
hare-brained schemes as the Cato Street 
Conspiracy, 1820, constituted a serious 
menace to public order. 

It was not until 1823 that the Cabinet 
consented to attack the root of social 
disorders by making some reductions in 
the tariff. It began by concessions to the 
mercantile classes, whose prospects were 
seriously affected by the heavy duties upon 
raw materials, and to the consumers of 
various manufactured commodities, such 
as linen, silk, and cotton stuffs, upon 
which prohibitive duties had been im- 
posed in the interests of British industrj'. 
But in the all-important question of the 
corn laws, affecting the poor rather than 
the middle classes, the Tories would only 
concede a compromise, the sliding-scale 
duty of 1829. The demand of the chief 
commercial centres for the repeal of the 
Navigation Laws was met b}' an Act 

Suffering: hardship in consequence of the high price of bread, the people in many places resorted to violence. The 
Government's reply was to call out the soldiery and frame coercive measures. A mass meeting- which had assembled in 
St. Peter's Field, at Manchester, in 1819, was broken up, as shown in the above picture, with considerable bloodshed. 



providing that the ships of any foreign 
Power should be allowed free access to 
British ports if that Power would grant a 
reciprocity ; the Combination Acts, framed 
to make trades 
unions illegal, 
were repealed; 
consi derable 
were introduced 
into the criminal 
law. But to 
several reforms of 
paramount neces- 
sity the Ministers 
showed them- 
selves obstinately 
averse. They 
would not repeal 
the disabhng laws 
which still re- 
mained in force 
against the 
Catholics, al- 
though three- 
fourths of the Irish 

In Cato Street, London, shown in this picture, was conceived a plot 
to assassinate Castlereagh and other Ministers at a Cabinet dinner 
in 1820. The plot being discovered, the revolutionaries were 
captured, five of them being hanged and five transported for life. 

nation were calling 
this act of justice. They would do 
nothing to reform the House of Commons. 
They would not deprive the landowning 
classes of the profits which 
the corn duties afforded. 

It was now that the 
nation discovered the use 
which could be made of 
two rights which it had 
long possessed. Freedom 
of speech on political 
matters was guaranteed by 
Fox's Libel Act of 1792, 
which left to the jury the 
full power of deciding 
what constituted legi- 
timate criticism of the 
administration. Freedom 
of association and public 
meeting existed, indepen- 
dently of special enact- 
ments, under the protec- 
tion of the common law. 
These weapons were used 
with extraordinary skill 
by O'Connell, the leader 
of the Irish Catholics. The 
Catholic Association, 
formed in 1823, learned from him the art 
of intimidating without illegality by means 
of monster meetings. Proclaimed as an 
illegal body in 1825, the association con- 
trived to continue its existence in the 


The leader of the Irish Catholics, O'Connell 
was foremost in the agitation for the rights 
of his countrymen, and patriotically sur- 
rendered personal interests for the advance- 
ment of the national cause. He died in 1847. 

guise of a philanthropic society. At the 
Clare election in 1828 O'Connell, although 
a Catholic, and therefore disquahfied, was 
returned by an overwhelming majority. 
Peel persuaded 
his colleagues 
that the time had 
come when eman- 
cipation must be 
granted. Bills 
for that purpose 
were accordingly 
passed and sub- 
mitted for the 
royal assent. 
This afforded 
George IV., who 
had succeeded 
his father in 1820, 
an opportunity 
of asserting him- 
self for once 
in a matter of 
national concern. 
A prodigal and 
a voluptuary, who had systematically 
sacrificed honour and decency to his 
pleasures and had broken his father's 
heart by his want of shame and filial piety, 
he now declared that 
nothing could induce him 
to accept a measure which 
that father had rejected. 
After long expostulations 
he broke this vow, as he 
had broken every other, 
and Catholic emancipa- 
tion was finally recorded 
on the Statute Book. 

George IV. died in 
1830. He was succeeded 
by his brother, the Duke 
of Clarence, under the 
title of William IV., a 
more respectable char- 
acter than " the first 
gentleman in Europe." 
but a pohtician of poor 
abilities, great tactless- 
ness and greater obstinacy. 
In their resistance to the 
next popular agitation 
the Tories found him a 
valuable ally. The 
triumph of the Irish Catholics was 
followed by a revival, in England, of 
the cry for parliamentary reform, and 
to this purpose the tactics of O'Connell 
were steadily applied by the Liberals 


of the great manu- 
facturing centres. 
The energy with 
which the Whigs 
|)ushed their attack 
is explained by their 
conviction that the 
defects of the repre- 
sentative system con- 
stituted the main 
obstacles to social, 
political, and fiscal 
reforms of the utmost 
weight and urgency. 
The House of Com- 
mons no longer ex- 
pressed the opinions 
of the country. The 
most enlightened, 
industrious, and 
prosperous portion of 
the community were 
either unrepresented 
or ludicrously under- 
represented. Since the 
time of Charles II. no 
new constituencies 
had been created, and 
of the borou£fhs which 

He became Prince Regent in 1810 owing- to the mental 
derangement of his father, George III., and succeeded 
to the throne ten years later. Without any qualities 
that endeared him to his people, he possessed failings 
and vices that were conspicuously displayed, and there 
were few to regret his death, which occurred in 18:30. 

had received repre- 
sentation under the 
Tudors and the 
Stuarts, the greater 
part owed their privi- 
lege to the Crown's 
expectation that their 
elections could always 
be controlled. Many 
1^0 roughs which 
formerly deserved to 
lie represented had 
I alien, through the 
decay of their for- 
tunes or through an 
excessive limitation 
of the franchise, 
under the control of 
the great territorial 
families. Close 
boroughs were so com- 
pletely an article of 
commerce that the 
younger Pitt, when he 
proposed a measure 
of parliamentary re- 
form, felt himself 
bound to offer tlie 
patrons a pecuniary 


From the engraving by J. Scott. I'hoto by W'.ilker 



H *■ 


j^-JTW _^ 5 

J'«yr»MWKai6 ftfll»u ww > i W ^E4,~ 


."A^er*^ g 


■ compensalion. It was by means of 
" pocket " boroughs that the Whigs had 
held the first two Hanoverians in bondage, 
and that George III. had maintained his 
personal ascendancy for twenty years. In 
1793 it was computed that 307 members 
of Parliament were returned by private 
l^trons. Matters had improved in the 
last forty years ; but still on the eve of the 
reform legislation 276 seats \\'ere private 
property'. Three-fourths of these be- 
longed to members of the Tory aristocracy. 
The state of the county representation 
was somewhat better. But the smallest 
shires returned as many members as the 
largest, with the solitary exception that 
Yorkshire, since 1821, returned four 
members in place of the usual two. The 
county franchise was limited, by a law of 
1430, to freeholders, and the owners of 
large estates had established their right 
to plural or " faggot " votes. 

The faults of this system, its logical 
absurdities, are glaringly manifest. With 
the votes of about half the House of 
Commons controlled by a few families, 
with great cities imrepresented, with 
small and large counties treated as of 
equal weight, with franchises varying in 
different localities, it might rather be said 
that there was no system at all. But it is 
a peculiarly British characteristic to regard 
anomalies as desirable in themselves, as 
it was characteristic of the theorists of 
the Revolution to discover the universal 
panacea in symmetrical uniformity. 

Entirely apart from personal interests, 
the large proportion of the ruling class 
had a firm conviction that the consti- 
tution was incapable of improvement, 
that it provided the best possible type of 
legislator and administrator. The unen- 
franchised masses saw in these Olj^mpians 
a group who neither understood nor cared 
for anything but the interests of their own 
class ; they acquired a rooted conviction 
that, when they themselves obtained 
political power, the millennium would 
arrive. But among the enfranchised, the 
minority, who had always refused to be 
terrified by the Reign of Terror, now grew 
into a majorit}' who believed that political 
intelligence existed in other sections of 
the community, who might be enfranchised 
without danger, and that flagrant anoma- 
lies might be removed without under- 
mining the constitution. Wlien France 
once more overturned the Bourbon 
monarchy and established the citizen-king. 



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Changes in the 
of Parliament 

districts of equal size. They enlarged the. 
representation of some counties. Thev 
suppressed or partially disfranchised 
eighty-six decayed boroughs. They gave 
representatives to forty-two of the new 
boroughs. But they kept intact the old 
distinction between county and borough, 
and sedulously avoided the subdivision or 
amalgamation of constituencies which 
possessed organic unity and historical 
traditions. In this and other respects the 
later Reform Bills have been more drastic. 
That of X867 abandoned the 
principle, which had been 
steadily maintained in 1832, 
that the franchise should be 
limited to those who paid direct taxes in 
one form or another. That of 1885 endeav- 
oured to equalise constituencies in respect 
of population ; in order to attain this end, 
counties and boroughs were broken up 
into divisions, without respect for past 
traditions. Such legislation is necessarily 
of a temporary character, since no measure 
of redistfibution can be expected to satisfy 
the principle of equality for more than a 
few years. And this is not the least 
important consequence of the legislative 
change which the nineteenth century 
effected in the 
constitution of 
Parliament. The 
Lower House in 
becoming demo- 
cratic has ceased 
to represent a 
fixed number of 
with fixed in- 
terests and 

The reformed 
Parliament was 
not long in 
justifying the 
hopes which had 
been formed of 
it. Those, indeed, 
. _ ^ _ who had ex- 


givinP' nnlitirnl "^h® early part of the nineteenth century witnessed progress along rn PTriKprc rp 
1VIH5 puiiLiccti many lines^the_ introduction of steamboats being a noteworthy ill e ui u c i s i c- 

Touis Philippe, on the throne with a con- 
stitution in which the political power of 
the bourgeoisie was the prominent feature, 
effecting the change without any excesses, 
the phantom of the ancient Reign of 
Terror dwindled, and the Reform party 
was materially strengthened. 

The king and the Duke of Wellington 
refused at first to believe that any change 
was either desirable or necessary. But 
they were compelled in 1830 to admit that 
it was necessary ; and Lord Grey was per- 
mitted to construct a reform Cabinet of 
Whigs and moderate Tories. Their Bills 
passed the House of Commons without 
difficulty, receiving the votes of many 
members whose seats were known to be 
doomed by its provisions. The House of 
Lords, encouraged by the king, endeav- 
oured to obstruct the measure which they 
dared not openly oppose. But a new 
agitation, threatening the very existence 
of the Upper House, at once arose. The 
duke, with greater wisdom than his royal 
master, reahsed that further resistance 
was out of the question, and induced the 
Lords to give way in June, 1832. 

The Reform Bill of 1832 fell far short of 
the democratic ideal which the English 
admirers of the : 
French Revolu- 
tion had kept in 
view. Jeremy 
Bentham, 1748- 
1832, the greatest 
of those writers 
and thinkers who 
prepared the 
minds of men for 
practical reform, 
was of opinion 
that the doctrine 
of natural equal- 
ity ought to be 
the first principle 
of every constitu- 
tion; but the 
followers of Lord 
Grey contented 
themselves with 

advance. The Comet, shown in the above illustration, was built 
by Henry Bell, and began sailing on the Clyde in the year 1812. 

power to the 
middle classes. 
This work has since been supplemented by 
the legislation of 1867, 1884, and 1885 ; yet 
even at the present day the doctrine of man- 
hood suffrage is unknown in English law. 
Still less were the first reformers inclined 
to map out the country in new electoral 


turned under the 
new system 
would all be Whigs or democrats soon 
found reason to revise their judgment. 
This is not the only occasion in English 
history on which it has been proved 
that aversion to ill-considered change is 
a fundamental trait in the national 

The third son of George III., William IV., the " Sailor King," succeeded to the throne of Great Britain and 
Ireland on the death of his eldest brother, George IV., in 1830, and along with his consort, Adelaide, the eldest 
daughter of the Duke of Saxe-Meiningen, whom he married in 1818, he was crowned on September 8th, IS." I. 

From the drawing by Gcorjjc Callcniiole 

character. The Tories, although for a 
moment under a cloud, soon recovered 
their spirits and a certain measure of influ- 
ence in the country. Under the leadership 
of Peel, they adopted the new name of Con- 
servatives, and shook off the instinct of 
dogged and unreasoning obstruction. Peel 
was unable to procure a majority in the 
House of Commons when first invited by the 
king to form a Ministry, and accordingly left 
Melbourne and the Whigs in 1835 to carry 
on the government. But political opinion 
was swinging round to his side ; 
e usy he obtained a majority in 1841. 
I *^.^ ° . So far the unforeseen had 
cgis a ion hg^ppgj^g(j_ Qj-^ ^hg other hand, 

the work of remedial legislation proceeded 
with vigour whether the Whigs were in 
or out of office. In fact both parties had 
become possessed by the idea that their 
main business was to devise and carry 
sweeping measures. Legislation was re- 
garded as the worthiest function of a 
sovereign assembly ; it seemed as though 
there could never be too much of legisla- 
tion. Experience has brought a decline 
of faith in the panacea. But it must be 
admitted that for twenty years the new 

Parliament had necessary work to perform 
in the way of legislation, and performed it 
with admirable skill. A few of the more 
important measures may be mentioned. 

The Emancipation Act of 1833 com- 
pleted a work 'of philanthropy which had 
been commenced in 1807. The Ministry of 
All the Talents had abolished the slave 
trade. The new Act emancipated all the 
slaves who were still to be found in British 
colonies, and awarded the owners the sum 
of twenty millions as a compensation. 
Costly as the measure was for the mother 
country, it was still more costly for the 
colonies. The sugar industry of the West 
Indies had been built up with the help ot 
slave labour. The planters lost heavily 
through being compelled to emancipate 
the slave for a sum which was much less 
than his market value, and the black 
population showed a strong disinclination 
to become labourers for hire. This was 
particularly the case in the larger islands, 
where land was abundant and a squatter 
could obtain a sustenance with little or no 
labour. The prosperity of Jamaica was 
destroyed, and the West Indies as a whole 
have never been prosperous since 1834. 




Free trade completed their ruin, since they 
had only maintained the sugar trade with 
the help of the preferential treatment 
which they received from England. The 
hasis of their former 
wealth was wholly arti- 
ficial, and it is unlikely 
that slavery and protec- 
tion will eVer be- restored 
for their benefit ; but it 
may be regretted that 
the necessary and salu- 
tary reforms of which 
they have been the 
victims could not have 
been more gradually ap- 
plied in their case. 

For the new Poor Law 
of 1834 there can be 
nothing but praise. It 
ended a system which for 
more than a generation 
had been a national curse, 
demoralising the labourer , 
encouraging improvidence 
and immorality, taxing 
all classes for the benefit 
of the small farmer and 
employer whom the misplaced philanthropy 
of the legislature had enabled to cut down 
wages below the margin of subsistence. Up 
to the year 1795 the 
English Poor Law had 
been, save for one serious 
defect, sound in principle. 
The defect was the Law 
of Settlement, first laid 
down by an Act of 1662, 
which enabled the local 
authorities to prevent the 
migration of labour from 
one parish to another, 
unless security could be 
given that the immigrant 
would not become a cliarge 
upon the poor rate. 

The result of this law 
had been to stereotype 
local inequalities in the 
rate of wages and to take 
from the labourer the 
chief means of bettering 
his position. It was 
mitigated in 1795 to the 
extent that the labourer 
could be no longer sent back until he 
actually became a charge upon the rates. 
But about the same time the justices of 
the peace began the practice of giving 

c ' *8 tJ 

A disting'uished statesman, he succeeded his 
father in 1807 as the second Earl Grey ; in the 
first reformed Parliament he was at the head of 
a powerful party, and passed the Act abolish- 
ing slavery in the colonies. He died in 1S45. 

Twice Premier, he was in office at the accession 
of Queen Victoria in 1S37. He was an " indolent 
opportunist," and "kept his place in the early 
years of Queen Victoria chiefly through the 
favour of the young queen." He died in 1.S48. 

poor-relief in aid of wages, and of making 
relief proportionate to the size of the 
applicant's" family. This practice was 
confirmed by the Speenham-land Act of 
1796. The legislature 
acted thus in part from 
motives of philanthropy, 
in part under the behef 
that the increase of popu- 
lation was in every way 
to be encouraged. The 
Act was at once followed 
by a drop in the rate of 
agricultural wages and a 
portentous increase of 
poor-rates. In 1783 poor- 
relief cost the country 
about ;^2, 000,000 ; by 
1 817 this sum had been 
cpiadrupled. The evils 
of the new system were 
.lugmented by the absence 
of any central authority 
possessing power to en- 
force uniform principles 
and methods of relief. 
The proposal to introduce 
such an authority, and in 
other respects to revive the leading ideas 
of the Elizabethan Poor Law, was made by 
a Royal Commission after the most careful 
investigations. The new 
Poor, 1834, em- 
bodied the principal sug- 
gestions of the commis- 
sioners. It provided that 
the workhouse test should 
be once more rigidly 
applied to all able-bodied 
pauj^ers ; that parishes 
should be grouped in 
poor-law unions ; that 
each parish should con- 
tribute to the expenditure 
of the union in propor- 
tion to the numbers of 
its paupers ; and that a 
central board should be 
appointed to control the 
system. The new Poor 
Law is still in force, so 
far as its main principles 
of administration are con- 
cerned. But there have 
been changes in the con- 
stitution of the central authority, by 
Acts of 1847, 1871, and 1894. The 
Poor-law Board has been merged in the 
Local Government Board ; and the 



Boards of Guardians, which control the 
local distribution of relief, are now demo- 
cratic bodies, whereas, under the original 
Act the justices of the peace held 
office as ex-officio members. 
The Poor Law Act was 
followed by others for the 
reform of municipal govern- 
ment in 1835, o^ the Irish 
tithe system in 1838, and for 
the introduction of the 
penny post in 1839. The new 
Poor Law and the new mimi- 
cipal system were also applied 
to Ireland by special legisla- 
tion. But larger questions 
slumbered until the fonnation 
of great political societies 
forced them upon the un- 
wiHing attention of ^Ministers 
and both Houses of Parliament. 

of the young queen. The Conservatives, 
impatient for a return to power, were dis- 
posed to bid against the Whigs for popular 
favour. Neither . party desired extreme 
reform. Lord John Russell 
expressed the general senti- 
ment when he stated his 
conviction that the Reform 
Bill had been the final step in 
the direction of democracy'. 
But neither party was strong 
enough to resist external 
pressiire. The rise of the 
Chartist organisation in 1838 
seemed likely, therefore, to 
produce sweeping changes. It 
was recruited from the labour- 
ing classes and animated by 
hostility to capital. It pro- 
posed the establishment of 


manf lociar/ncfpoift^li Sms radical dcmocracy as a panacea 
The period of 1840-1850 which characterised the early vic- for the wrongs of Workmen. 

'orian era were suggested by him. ,-r^^ ,, • , r . i i > 

ihe five points of the people s 

was peculiarly faxourable to 
the democratic agitator. The Reform 
WTiigs had maintained themselves in power 
till the death of William IV. But their 
majority was small, and their chief leader, 
Melbourne, an indolent opportunist. He 
kept his place in the early years of 
Queen Victoria chiefly through the favour 

charter were manhood suffrage, voting by 
ballot, annual parliaments, payment of 
members, and the abolition of the property 
qualification for membership. These de- 
mands were supported in the House of 
Commons by the philosophic Radicals, 
among whom Grote, the historian, was 


From the drawing by L. Hagbc 


This graphic scene depicts the aestruction by fire, on October 16th, 1834, of the Houses of Parliament, the picture 
being made by the artist from a sketch taken by him by the light of the flames at the end of Abingdon Street. 

From the drn-.ving by William Heath 

influence was felt not 
only in England but 
in Wales, where it con- 
tributed to produce 
the Rebecca Riots, 
1843. But the next 
occasion on which 
Chartism invaded the 
capital was in 1848, 
the year of revolu- 
tions. It was an- 
nounced that half a 
million of Chartists 
would assemble at a 
given place on April 
loth, and march in 
procession to lay their 
demands before the 
House of Commons. 
The danger seemed 
great ; extensive 
military preparations 
were made under the 
old Duke of Welling- 
KiNG WILLIAM IV. ton, and the authori- 

Though a Whig before his accession to the throne of tic^ anUOUUCed Oil the 

Great Britain and Ireland in 1830, he became a Tory after appointed day that 

his coronation, and used his influence to obstruct the .-r ij t ^ 

passing of the first Reform Act in 1832. He died in 1837. tncy WOUlQ USC lOrCC, 


the most conspicuous, 
while in Feargus 
O'Connor the Chart- 
ists possessed a 
popular orator of no 
mean order. The 
House of Commons 
refused to consider 
the first petition of 
the Chartists in 1839. 
The refusal was, how- 
ever, followed by riots 
in various localities; 
and a second attempt 
was made to move 
Parliament in 1842; 
when the Conserva- 
tives, under Peel, had 
wrested power from 
the Whigs. But the 
new Ministers were no 
more pliable than the 
old ; and a series of 
prosecutions against 
prominent Chartists 
forced the movement 
to assume a subterra- 
nean character. Its 


On the death of King William IV. at Windsor Castle in 1837, his niece, Princess Victoria, succeeded to the throne. 
Riding' through the night from Windsor to Kensington Palace, Dr. Howley, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the 
Marquess of Conyngham. Lord Chamberlain, awakened the young girl about five o'clock in the morning to tell her that 
she was Queen of Great Britain and Ireland. This dramatic incident is admirably represented in the above picture. 

l-/.'ij. ilie ijaiiuing by .Mary L. Gow, by pcrinibsioii of the Berlin I'liotojjr.iiiliie Co. 

Succeeding to the throne in 1837, at the early ag-e of eighteen years, Queen Victoria was crowned at 
Westminster Abbey on June 28th, 1838. The youthful queen of Great Britain and Ireland is in this picture 
represented in her coronation robes, standing in the dawn of the longest and most glorious reig^n in the nation's history. 

rrom the paiming by Sir Gcc>rji<' H.t\-tcr 





if necessary, to check the march of the pro- 
ci^ssion. The Chartist leaders were cowed, 
and contented themselves with submitting 
their petition for the third time. A large 
number of the signatures, which had been 
estimated at 5,000,000. turned out to be 
fictitious ; and amidst the ridicule ex- 
cited by this discovery the Charter and 
Chartists slipped into oblivion. 

The collapse of Chartism was significant, 
for the great Chartist demonstration was 
contemporaneous with a series of revo- 
lutionary movements on the Continent. 
It meant that in England the people at 

were the product of the great war. They 
had been established for the protection of 
the agricultural interest, and had alto- 
gether excluded foreign corn from the 
English market except while the price ol 
English corn stood above eighty shillings, 
so that the price of bread was maintained 
at a very high figure. A modification had 
been introduced, by which duties were 
imposed on foreign corn, in place of the 
import being prohibited, while home- 
grown corn stood below eighty shillings, 
the amount of the duty falling as the 
price of English corn rose, and vice versa. 


i ]■>'}. i the dr.iwingby Champion 

large declined to believe in physical force 
as the necessary means to attaining 
political reforms, preferring the methods 
of constitutional agitation. Chartism dis- 
solved itself in the fiasco of 1848. But 
the pohtical demands of the Chartists 
were adopted by constitutional reformers, 
and were in great part conceded during 
the following half century — though they 
have not brought the millennium. The 
episode emphasised the sobriety of the 
masses ; and the result was probably in 
measure due to the improvement in the con- 
ditions of the industrial population owing 
1 ) the repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846. 
We have remarked that the Corn Laws 

But this did not remove the obvious fact 
that the cost of the staple food of the 
working classes was kept high artificially, 
in order to benefit or preserve the agri- 
cultural interest. Apart from philan- 
thropic considerations — though these 
carried their due weight in many quarters — 
the capitalist manufacturers, now the dom- 
inant power in the House of Commons, 
began to perceive that if the price of 
bread fell the operatives could live on a 
lower money wage, that the wages bill 
would be lowered, and with it the cost of 
production ; that is to say, the middle 
classes saw that their ow^n interests would be 
served by the abolition of the Corn Laws. 


The Anti-Corn Law League, first formed 
in 1838, owed its existence to a serious 
depression of the manufacturing indus- 
tries. Cobden, Bright, and others of the 
leading organisers were philanthropists 
who saw the iniquity of artificially main- 
taining the price of food when wages were 
low and employment uncertain. They 
recruited their supporters to a great 
extent among the starving operatives of 
the North and Midlands. But the funds 
for the Free Trade campaign were largely 

their own prospective ruin. The working 
classes, however, were not convinced by 
the Chartist doctrine, and felt that if 
bread were cheaper life would be easier. 
An Irish famine completed the conversion 
of the Conservative leader. Sir Robert 
Peel, who had already been agitating his 
party for Free Trade measures and the 
removal or reduction of duties protecting 
British industries. He took a number of 
his colleagues with him, but not the party 
as a whole. Peelites and Whigs together 

The £rst official visit of Queen Victoria to the City of London was on Lord Mayor's Day, November 9th, 18:!7, and in 
this picture her carriage is seen passing Temple Bar on the way to the Guildhall The picture is interesting not only 
on account of its historic value, but also by reason of the glimpse which it gives of a part of London now entirely altered. 

supplied by manufacturers. There was no 
thought of giving to the masses the 
franchise as a means of self-protection. 
Accordingly, the extreme Chartists hated 
the Free Traders, and openly opposed their 
propaganda, on the ground that the 
charter would secure to the people all, 
and more than all, that was hoped from 
the repeal of the Corn Laws. The class 
character of the Free Trade agitation 
was a source of weakness, because the 
working-class agitators did not believe 
that the labouring class would benefit by 
it ; while the landed interest saw in it 

carried the repeal of the Corn Laws, but 
had hardly done so when the Protectionists 
and extreme Radicals combined to defeat 
the Ministry, and Peel's career as Prime 
Minister was closed. The Whigs, sup- 
ported by Peelites, assumed the govera- 
ment, and were presently combined in 
the Liberal party. 

Colonial development has been dealt with 
in detail elsewhere ; but certain points must 
here be noticed. During the period under 
consideration nearly the whole of the 
Indian peninsula passed under the British 
dominion as a result of the great Mahratta 



nar ; while the first Burmese war added 
territories beyond the Bay of Bengal. 
Under Bentinck's rule, progress was made 
in the organisation of administration and 
the development of education. On the 
north-west, however, the aggression of 
Persia, more or less under the agis of 
Russia, produced British 
intervention in the affairs 
of Afghanistan, with dis- 
astrous consequences, of 
which the evil effects were 
at any rate diminished by 
the skilful operations of 
Pollock and Knott. In the 
same decade, however, the 
British supremacy was 
challenged by the Sikh 
armyof thePimjab. Beaten 
in the first struggle, the 
Sikhs were renewing their 
challenge in 1848, when 
Lord Dalhousie arrived in 
India to take up the gage ^ 
of battle and extend the 

in North America, with the exception of 
Newfoundland, as states of the Canadian 
Dominion. The foundation was laid for 
that system under which the colony was 
no longer to be treated as a subordinate 
section of the empire, but was to receive 
full responsible government — a govern- 
ment, that is, in which the 
Ministers are responsible to 
the representative assem- 
blies as Ministers in England 
are responsible to Parlia- 
ment ; to become, in fact, 
mutatis imitandis, a counter- 
part of the United Kingdom, 
practically independent ex- 
cept in matters affecting 
war and peace. Canada, 
indeed, did not immediately 
achieve this status even 
after the Act of Reunion ; 
but that Act may be re- 
garded as initiating the 
change which has since 
been carried out in nearly 


British dominion, in 1849, "^^^ y'^ungfer son of the Duke of Saxe- all the British colonies where 
over the Land of the Five ^:^::^iS:^.'^^S^X the white population has 
Rivers up to the mountain and were married in i84o, the Prince then ccascd to bear the character 
passes, thus completing the receiving the title of Royal Highness, ^f ^ garrisou. Of the 
ring-fence of mountain and ocean girdhng religious movements in this period some 
the British Empire in India. account will be found in a late^ chapter 

In Australia the settlements, which at of this section. But we have still to review 

first had been penal in character, were 
assuming the form of true colonies, but 
were not yet emancipated. In South 
_ . Africa, transferred to Great 

IhC Union r, ■. ■ ^J. i .^ tvt 

of British ^^"i^am as a result of the Napo- 
Colonies leonic war, a part of the Dutch 
population — partly in conse- 
quence of the abolition of slavery — began 

here a development of English literature 
which has no parallel except in the Shake- 
spearean era, for the beginnings of which 
we must go back to the Revolution epoch. 
During three-fourths of the eighteenth 
century, classicalism had dominated prose 
and poetry alike. In place of poems, 
satires, epigrams, admirable essays and 

during the fourth decade of the century to dissertations in verse had been produced 

remove itself beyond the sphere of British 
interference, and to found the com- 
munities which developed into the Orange 
Free State and the Transvaal Republic. 

It was, however, almost at the moment 
of Queen Victoria's accession that' dis- 
satisfaction with the existing system in the 
colonies of Upper, and Lower Canada, 
which had been established in the time of 
the younger Pitt, reached an acute stage, 
issuing in insurrection and in the dispatch 
of the epoch-making commission of Lord 
Durham. The report of the commissioner 
was the starting-point virtually of a new 
theory of colonial relations. It led 
directly to the Act of Reunion of 1842, 
which was gradually followed by the 
federal union of all the British colonies 


in abundance in strict accord with rigid 
conventions ; no scope had been granted 
to the lyrical utterance of passion, and 
spontaneity had been repressed as barbaric 
or at least- impolite. But the spirit which 
was rousing itself to a stormy attack 
on social and political conventions was 
not to spare the conventions of literature. 
, These were, indeed, set at 
The Genius j^^^gj^^ ^y ^^g jy^ical genius 

° , _ of Robert Burns, whose first 
Robert Burns . c j ■ 

volume of poems appeared lu 

1786. Burns, however, was not a pioneer 
in the true sense— consciously promul- 
gating a new theory. Essentially his 
work was the most splendid expression 
of a poetical type which had always 
flourished in Scotland outside the realms 


of polite literature. But its power and 
fascination arrested attention, and carried 
the conviction that subjects forbidden 
by the critics as vulgar were capable of 
treatment which was undeniably poetical. 
He demonstrated anew that the poet's 
true function is to appeal to the emotions 
of men, and that this may be done through 
the medium of language which is not at 
all cultured. Unlike Burns, however, the 
so-called " Lake School " of. Wordsworth 
and Coleridge were conscious exponents of 
a theory which defied the crit- 
f Gel\ ^^^^ dogmas of the day. But 
p '** Coleridge's practice contra- 
dicted a part of his own theory, 
and when Wordsworth acted upon it in its 
entirety, he did not write poetry. Their 
revolt against artificial language and 
artificial restrictions of subject led them 
virtually to affirm that the best poetry 
may treat of commonplace matters in 
commonplace language. 

The paradox becomes obvious when we 
perceive that Coleridge is never common- 
place, and that it is precisely when he is 
not commonplace that Wordsworth is 
great, though unfortunately he never 
recognised that truth himself. The familiar 

fact must yield the unfamiliar thought ; 
the familiar terms must combine in the 
unfamiliar phrases which stamp themselves 
upon the mind. The current criticism erred, 
not in condemning the commonplace, but 
in identifying the commonplace with the 
superficially familiar, and treating con- 
ventions as fundamental laws of art. 
Til at these were errors was conclusively 
proved by the practice rather than by th(; 
critical expositions of the Lake school. 
The volume of " Lyrical Ballads," which 
contained " Tintern Abbey" and the 
" Ancient Mariner," was a sufficient 
refutation of the orthodox doctrines. 

The poetical work which was produced 
in the twenty-six years- which passed 
between the publication of the " Lyrical 
Ballads," 1798, and the death of Byron, 
1824, travelled far enough from the 
standards of the eighteenth century. 
Within that period Sir Walter Scott 
adapted the old ballad form to metrical 
narrative, and turned men's minds back 
to revel in the gorgeous aspect of the 
Middle Ages, somewhat forgetful of their 
ugly side. Byron burst upon the public, 
an avowed rebel, whose tragic poses were 
unfortunately only too easy of imitation 

The interesting ceremony represented in the above picture took place at the Chapel Royal, St. James's, on February 
10th, 1840. Queen Victoria was then in her twenty-first year, while Prince Albert was three months her junior. 

From the painting by Sir George Hayter 



by a host of self-conscious rhymesters, and 
gave vice a morbid picturesqueness ; but 
redeemed himself by tlie genuineness of 
his passion for liberty, and died at Misso- 
longhi fighting for the 
liberation of Greece. 
Shelley, a rebel of another 
kind, shocked the world 
by his Promethean defi- 
ance of an unjust God, of 
tyranny in every form, 
but was, in fact, the 
prophet not of atheism 
and materialism, but of 
an intensely spiritual 
pantheism ; the most 
ethereal, most intangible, 
most exquisite among the 
masters of song. John 
Keats died when he was 
only five-and-twenty, but 
he had already lived long 
enough to win for him- 
self a secure place in the 
elysium of " poets dead 
and gone." His poetry 


'The Apostle of Free Trade," he denounced 
as iniquitous artificially to maintain the price 
of food when wages were low and employ- 

had already developed a new type of the 
novelist's art, in the " Pickwick Papers " ; 
but his great contemporary and rival, 
William Makepeace Thackeray, had not 
yet achieved fame in this 
field. The Bronte sisters, 
however, with " Wuther- 
ing Heights" and "Jane 
Eyre," 1847, had just 
given convincing proof, 
if any were needed after 
Jane Austen, Scott's con- 
temporary, that the novel 
is a literary instrument 
which woman can handle 
as successfully as man. 
By that time all the great 
poets of the Revolution 
era had passed away, 
save Wordsworth, who 
was all but an octo- 
genarian ; but the stars 
of Tennyson and Brown- 
ing had already appeared 
above the horizon. 
The time of ferment 

is the practical expression ment uncertain, and to his labours was largely which produCCd thls OUt- 
, r \. , due the abolition of the Corn Laws in 1846. •, , r -i-, ,■ ■, 

of his own dictum : 

" Beauty in truth, truth beauty ; that is 

all. ye know on earth, and all ye need to 

know." Among great English poets there 

is no other whose work 

is so devoid of all ethical 

element, none in whom 

the sense of pure beauty 

is so overmastering or its 

rendering more perfect. 

Among the poets whom 
we have named, Byron's 
influence alone was Euro- 
pean ; but that influence 
pales by the side of 
Walter Scott's in the 
realm of prose romance. 
There were novelists 
before Scott, but it was 
he who gave to the novel 
that literary predomin- 
ance which at one time 
characterised the drama. 
Practically it was he who 

burst of literary activity 
was also responsible for two new movements 
of English thought, the utihtarian and the 
idealist. Utilitarianism is the sceptical 
, and inductive spirit of 
such eighteenth - century 
thinkers as David Hume, 
I applied to the study of 
morals and social institu- 
tions. The movement 
began with the French 
Encyclopaedists ; it came 
to England through 
Jeremy Bentham, 1748- 
1832, than whom no man 
has exercised a more far- 
reaching influence on the 
thought or government of 
modern England. Most 
of the social and political 
reforms which charac- 
terise the early Victorian 
era were suggested by 
Bentham. His two great 


revealed the capacities of Along with Cobden and others in the agitation works, the "Fragment on 

prose romance 'for the against the Com Laws, John Bright used Government," 1776, and 

yLKjjy^ 1 wiiiu-iiv^v- xKJi i-iiv^ his great eloqueuce both in Parliament and OH i, n ■ • i r n/r i- 

portravalof character and the public platform to further the cause of Free the Prmciplcs ot Morals 

of picturesque incident, 
through the amazing achievement of the 
series of "Waverley Novels," whereof the 
first appeared in 18 14. Before the close of 
our period, the genius of Charles Dickens 


Trade. He held office in later Ministries 

and Legislation," 1789, 
belong chronologically to the age of the 
Revolution ; but it was only in later life 
that Bentham became a prophet among 
his own people. His greatest disciple was 


Froiu the paintin ^ by C. R. Leslie 


From llie painting l>y Sir Gcrge H.rytcr 



Robert Burns, 1759-96 William Wordsworth, 1770-1850 S. T. Coleridge, 1772-1 s:S4 

W. M. Thackeray, 1811-63 

Charles Dickens, 1812-70 

Charlotte Bronte, l,sUi-5.j 



John Stuart Mill, 1806-1873, whose versa- 
tile genius never showed to more advantage 
than when he was handling social questions 
in Bentham's spirit. Milf was not so 
rigorous a thinker as Bentham : but the 
mora! enthusiasm of the younger man, his 
power of exposition, and his suscepti- 
bility to the best ideas of his time gave 
him the resi)ectful attention of all thought- 
tuj minds. What Bentham did for the 
theory of legislation. Mill did for the 
theory of wealth. Mill's "Political Eco- 
nomy," 1848, although largely based 
upon the investigations of Adam Smith, 
Ricardo, and Malthus, marks an era in 
the history of that science. Mill was the 
first to define with accuracy the proper 
limits of economic study. 
He originated a number 
of new theories. He 
diagnosed the economic 
evils of his time and sug- 
gested practical remedies. 
Above all, however, he 
was the first to see the 
parts of economic science 
in their true pro})ortions 
and to connect them as 
an ordered whole. The 
tendency of modern 
thought is to belittle the 
deductive school of econo- 
mists which Mill repre- 
sents ; but his claim to 
be regarded as the classic 
of that school has never 


been disputed. Similarlv, . ^ . ,. . c- .. 

1 ■, ■ f ■ ■ ' As poet and novelist Scott occupies 

by his later WntmgS on place among the worlds writers. 

trade of the Tractarians, whose attempt 
to imbue Anglican dogmas with a new 
significance and to destroy the insularity 
of the Established Church is the most 
remarkable phenomenon in the religious 
history of modern England. The idealists 
found a })owerful though erratic ally in 
Thomas Carlyle, 1795-1881. In literature 
a romantic of the most lawless sort, 
unequalled in power of ]?hrase, in pictorial 
imagination, and in dramatic humour, but 
totally deficient in architectonic skill. 
Carlyle wrote one history, " The French 
Revolution," 1837, and two biographies, 
" Cromwell," 1S45, " Frederick the 
Great," 1858-1865, of surpassing interest. 
But his most characteristic utterances 
are to be found in " Sartor 
Resartus," 1833, and 
Heroes and Hero- 
Worship," 1841, the first 
a biting attack upon 
formalism and dogma, the 
second a vindication of 
the importance of indi- 
vidual genius in maintain- 
ing and in reforming the 
social fabric. Carlyle's 
gospel of labour and 
silence, and his preference 
for the guidance of instinct 
as opposed to that of 
conscious reflection, have 
exercised a great, though 
indeterminate, influence 
upon man\ thinkers who 
are unconscious of their 

a unique , , . , , ■ 
From his det:)t tO hUU. 

Carlvle's characteristics 


I iKfir+T7 " T^iTi anrl fertile pen a rich library of stirring tales 

l.iueity, ^^y), d-llU ^11 aglow with the magic of romance and 

' Representative Govern- revealing a creative genius unmatched since can hardly be brought out 

„ i. " ^01^ -u u Shakespeare. Born in 1771, he died in 1S32. '^ -ji ai „ u 

ment, 1860, he became ^ more vividly than by 

placing his work beside that of Thomas 

the accredited exponent of Enghsh 
Liberalism ; while his essay on " Utili- 
tarianism," i86r, by giving a larger and 
less material interpretation to Bentham's 
formula, " the greatest happiness of the 
greatest number," did much to bring out 
the common basis of belief on which 
Liberals and idealists have conducted 
their long controversy. ■ 

The idealist movement begins with 
Coleridge, whose philosophic writings, 
notably the " Aids to Reflection," pub- 
lished in 1825, although fragmentary and 
unsystematic, are the first sign of a 
reaction among English metaphysicians 
against Hume's disintegrating criticism. 
In a diluted and theological form the new 
tenets formed the intellectual stock in 

Babington Macaulay, no idealist, but a 
typical Whig, whose clear-cut antithetical 
style made him the past-master of popular 
exposition, and the still prevalent model 
for the essayist and the historian. 

Finally, we note the appearance of John 
Ruskin, whose " Modern Painters " began 
to appear in 1842. Entering the literary 
field primarily as a critic of the arts of 
painting and architecture, Ruskin extended 
his criticism, constructive and destructive, 
to literature and economics, the essential 
characteristic of his teaching being insist- 
ence on the ethical basis o." all human 
energies : teaching expressed with unsur- 
passed eloquence. 

H. W. C. Davis; -A. D. Innes 

















'"FHE Austrian state, totally disor- 
* ganjsed by the period of the French 
Revolution and Napoleonic wars, had 
nevertheless succeeded in rounding off 
its territories at the Congress of Vienna. 
In internal affairs Francis I. and Metter- 
nich tried as far as possible to preserve 
the old order of things ; they wished for 
an absolute monarchy, and favoured the 
privileged classes. There was no more 
tenacious supporter of what was old, no 
more persistent observer of routine than 
the good Emperor Francis. He was an 
absolute ruler in the spirit of conservatism. 

He saw a national danger in any move- 
ment of men's minds which deviated from 
the letter of his commands, hated from 
the first all innovations, and ruled his 
people from the Cabinet. He delighted to 
travel through his dominions, and receive 
the joyful greetings of his loyal subjects, 
since he laid the highest value on popu- 
^ ^ . larity ; notwithstanding all his 
-. ^"^ keenness of observation and 
P*"** *". his industry, he possessed no 
ideas of his own. Even Metter- 
nich was none too highly gifted in this 
respect. Francis made, at the most, only 
negative use of the abundance of his 
supreme power. Those who served him 
were bound to obey him blindlv : but he 
lacked the vigour and strength of character 
for great and masterful actions ; his 
thoughts and wishes were those of a 
permanent official. Like Frederic William 
HI., he loathed independent characters, 
men of personal views, and he therefore 
treated his brothers Charles and John 
with unjustified distrust. 

The only member of his family really 
acceptable to him was his youngest 
brother, the narrow-minded and character- 
less Lewis. On the other hand, Francis 
was solicitous for the spread of beneficial 
institutions, and for the regulation of the 
legal system ; in 1811 he introduced the 
" Universal Civil Code," and in so doing 
completed the task begun by Maria 

Theresa and Joseph II. His chief defect 
was his love of trifling details, which de- 
prived him of any comprehensive view of 
a subject ; and his constant interference 
with' the business of the Council of State 
prevented any svstematic conduct of affairs. 
. . , Francis owed it to Metternich 

„. , „ ... that Austria once more held 
High Position ,, 1,- 1 - •.• 

. r the highest position in 

in Europe „ « /u r 1 j 

Europe: he was thereioreglad 

to entrust him with the management of 
foreign policy while he contented himself 
with internal affairs. Metternich was the 
centre of European diplomacy ; but he 
was only a diplomatist, no statesman like 
Kaunitz and Felix Schwarzenberg. He 
did not consolidate the new Austria tor the 
future, but only tried to check the wheel 
of progress and to hold the reins with 
the assistance of his henchman Gentz ; 
everything was to remain stationary. 

The police zealously helped to main- 
tain this principle of government, and 
prosecuted every free-thinker as sus- 
pected of democracy. Austria was in 
the fullest sense a country of police ; 
it supported an army of " mouchards " 
and informers. The post-office officials 
disregarded the privacy of letters, spies 
watched teachers and students in the 
academies ; even such loyal Austrians as 
Grillparzer and Zedlitz came into collision 
with the detectives. The censorship was 
blindly intolerant and pushed its inter- 
ference to extremes. Public education, 
from the university down to the village 
school, suffered under the suspicious 
tutelage of the authorities ; school and 
Church alike were unprogres- 
sive. The provincial estates, 
both in the newly-acquired 
and in the recovered Crown 
lands, were ins'gnificant, leading, as a 
matter of fact, a shadowy existence, 
V hich reflected the depressed condition of 
the population. But Hungary, which, 
since the time when Maria Theresa was 
hard pressed, had insisted on its national 


Reign of 
Suspicion and 


Szechenyi " the 

Greatest of 

the Hungarians" 

independence, was not disposed to descend 
i>om its h-ight to the g-neral insignificance 
of the other Crown lands, and th; Archduke 
Palatine, Joseph, thoroughly shared this 
id.^a. It was therefore certain that soon 
there would be an embittered struggle with 
th-^ government at Vienna, 
which wished to render the 
constitution of Hungary as 
unreal as that of Carniola 
and Tyrol. The indignation found its 
expression chiefly in the assemblies of 
the counties, which boldly contradicted 
the arbitrary and stereotyped commands 
from Vienna, while a group of the nobility 
itself supported the view that the people, 
hitherto excluded from political life, 
should share in the movement. In the 
Reichstag of 1825 this group spoke very 
distinctly against the exclu- 
sive rule of the nobility. 
The violent onslaught of the 
Reichstag against the Govern- 
ment led, it is true, to no 
result; the standard-bearer of 
that g "oup was Count Stephen 
Szechenyi, whom his antago- 
nist, Kossuth, called " the 
greatest of the Hungarians." 
The Archduke Rainer, to 
whom the viceroyalty of the 
ItaHan possessions had been 
entrusted, was animated by 
the best intention of pro- 
moting the happiness of ths 
Lombard- Venetian kingdom, 
and of familiarising the 
Italians with the Austrian 
rule ; but he was so hampered 
by instructions from Vienna that he could 
not exercise any marked influence on the 
Government. The Italians would hear 
nothing of the advantages of the Austrian 
rule, opposed all " Germanisation," and 
prided themselves on their old nationality. 
Literature, the Press, and secret societies 
aimed at national objects and encouraged 
independence, while Metternich thought 
of an Italian confederation on the German 
model, and under the headship of Austria. 
It was also very disastrous that the 
leading circles at Vienna regarded Italy 
as the chief support of the whole policy 
of the empire, and yet failed to understand 
the great diversity of social and political 
conditions in the individual states of the 
peninsula. Metternich, on the other hand, 
employed every forcible means to oppose 
the national wishes, which he regarded, 


He succeeded his father, Leopold 
II., as Emperor of Germany, but 
in 1804 he renounced the title of 
German-Roman Emperor, retain- 
ing that of Emperor of Austria. 

both there and in Germany, as outcomes 
of the revolutionary spirit. Yet the hopes 
of the nations on both sides of the Alps 
were not being realised ; the " Golden 
Age " had still to come. 

The condition of the Austrian finances 
was deplorable. Since the year 1811, 
when Count Joseph Wallis, the Finance 
Minister, had devised a system which 
reduced by one-fifth the nominal value of 
the paper money — which had risen to the 
amount of 1,060,000,000 gulden — per- 
manejit bankruptcy had prevailed. Silver 
disappeared from circulation, the national 
credit fell very low, and the revenue was 
considerably less than the expenditure, 
which was enormously increased by the 
long war. In the year 1814 Count 
Stadion, the former Minister of the 
Interior, undertook the thank- 
less duties of Minister of 
Finance. He honestly exerted 
himself to improve credit, 
introduce a fixed monetary 
standard, create order on a 
consistent plan, and with 
competent colleagues to de- 
velop the economic resources 
of the nation. But various 
financial measures were neces- 
sary before the old paper 
money could be withdrawn 
en bloc, and silver once more 
put into circulation. New 
loans had to be raised, which 
increased the burden of in- 
terest, in the years 1816 to 
1823, from 9,000,000 gulden 
to 24,000,000, and the annual 
expenditure for the national debt from 
12,000,000 to 50,000,000. The National 
Bank, opened in 1817, afforded efficient 
help. If Stadion did not succeed in 
remodelling the system of indirect taxes, 
and if the reorganisation of the land- 
tax proceeded slowly, the attitude of 
Hungary greatly added to the difficulties 
of the position of the great Minister of 
reform, who died in May, 1824. The state 
of the Emperor Francis was 
naturally the Promised Land 
of custom-house restrictions 
and special tariffs ; industry 
and trade were closely barred in. In 
vain did clear-headed politicians advise 
that all the hereditary dominions, ex- 
cepting Hungary, should make one 
customs district ; although the Govern- 
ment built commercial roads and canals, 

The Promised 
Land of 


still the trade of th- empire with foreign 
countries was stagnant. Trieste never 
became for Austria that which it might 
have been ; it was left for Karl Ludwig 
von Bruck of Elberfeld to mak^ it in 
1833, a focus of the trade 
of the world by foundinc: 
the Austrian-Lloyd Ship 
ping Company. Rfd 
tape prevailed in the 
army, innovations were 
shunned, and the reforms 
of the Archduke Charles 
were interrupted. This 
was the outlook in 
Austria, the " Faubourg 
St. Germain of Europe." 
Were things better in 
the rival state of Prussia ? 
Frederic William III. was 
the type of a homely 
bourgeois, a man of 
sluggish intellect and of 
a cold scepticism, which 
contrasted sharply with 

its opponents, although the old tutelage 
of the Church under the supreme bishop 
of the country still continued to be felt, 
and Frederic William, both in the secular 
and spiritual domain, professed an abso- 
lutism which did not 
care to see district and 
provincial synods estab- 
lished by its side. The 
union, indeed, produced 
no peace in the Church, 
but became the pretext 
for renewed quarrels ; 
nevertheless it was intro- 
duced into Nassau, 
P>aden, the Bavarian 
Palatinate, Anhalt, and 
a part of Hesse in the 
same way as into Prussia. 
The king wished to give 
to the Catholic Church 
also a systematised and 
profitable development, 
and therefore entered 
mto negotiations with 


the patriotic fire'and self- ^l:''"r'^VTN^''T °' ■'^T.Tt^^^^^^^ Cuna, which were 

i . r 1 • after the fall of Napoleon in 181.j stands out j i. j u +1 

devotion of his people, prominently in the history of the period. He COndUCtCd by tllC am- 

His main object was to was the centre of European diplomacy, but he baSSador Barthold G. 

secure tranquillity ; the ""^^ °"'y ^ diplomatist and not a statesman. Niebuhr, a great historian 
storm of the war of liberation, so foreign but weak diplomatist. Niebuhr and Alten- 

to his sympathies, had blown over, and 
he now wished to govern his kingdom 
in peace. Religious questions interested 
him more than 
those of politics ; 
he was a positive 
Christian, and it 
was the wish of 
his heart to 
amalgamate the 
Lutheran and 
the Reformed 
Churches, an at- 
tempt to which 
the spirit of the 
age seemed very 
f a V c u r a b 1 1 
When the tri- 
centenary of the 
Reformation was 


Insisting: on its national independence, Hungary was unwilling to 
descend to the insignificance of the other Crown lands under Austria, 
in the year 1817, and both the Archduke Palatine, Joseph, and Count Stephen Sztxhenyi 

he appealed for assisted the movement in assembUes and elsewhere. Szechenyl was de- Paderbom, BreS- 
the union of the scribed by his antagonist Kossuth as "the greatest of the Hungarians." |^^^^ Kulm, and 

Ermeland bishoprics, each with a clerical 
seminary. The cathedral chapters 

stein, the Minister of Public Worship, made 
too many concessions to the Curia, and 
were not a match for Consalvi, the 

Cardinal Secre- 
tary of State. 
On Jtily i6th. 
1821, Pope Pius 
VIL issued the 
Bull, " De salute 
a n i m a r um," 
which was fol- 
lowed by an ex- 
planatory brief, 
" Quod de fide- 
lium." The king 
confirmed the 
agreement by an 
order of the Cabi- 
net ; Cologne and 
Posen became 
Treves, Munster, 

Iby hisantagon 

two confessions, and found much response. 
The new Liturgy of 182 1, issued with his 
own concurrence, found great opposition, 
especially among the Old Lutherans ; its 
second form, in 1829, somewhat conciliated 

were conceded the right of electing 
the bishop, who, however, had neces- 
sai'ily to be a persona grata to the king. 



The truce did not, indeed, last long ;" 
the question of mixed marriages led to 
renewed controversy. Subsequently to 
1803, the principle held good in the 
eastern provinces of Prussia that the 
children in disputed cases should follow 
the religion of the father, a view that 
conflicted with a Bull of 1741 ; now, after 
1825, the order of 1803 was to 
be vahd for the Rhine province, 

The Problem 
of Mixed 

which was for the most part 
Catholic. But the bishops of the 
districts a})pealed in 1828 to Pope Leo XII. 
He and his successor, Pius VIII., con- 
ducted long negotiations with the Prussian 
ambassador, Bunsen, who, steeped in the 
spirit of romanticism, saw the surest pro- 
tection against the revolution in a close 
adherence between national governments 
and the Curia. 

Pius VIII., an enemy of all enlighten- 
ment, finally, by a brief of 1830, permitted 
the consecration of mixed marriages only 
when a promise was given that the children 
born from the union would be brought 
up in the Catholic faith ; but the Prussian 
Government did not accept the brief, and 
matters soon came to a dispute between 
the Curia and the Archbishop of Cologne. 

It was excessively difftcult to form the 
new Prussian state into a compact unity 
of a firm and flexible type. Not merely 
its elongated shape, its geographical inco- 
herency, and the position of Hanover as an 
excrescence on its body, but above every- 
thing its composition out of a hundred 
territorial fragments with the most diver- 
sified legislatures and the most rooted 
dislike to centralisation, the aversion of 
the Rhenish Catholics to be included in the 
state which was Protestant by history and 
character, and the stubbornness of the 
Poles in the countries on the Vistula, quite 
counterbalanced a growth in population, 
nowmorethan doubled, which was welcome 
in itself. By unobtrusive and successful 
labour the greatest efforts were made to- 

_, - , wards establishing some deeree 

The New r •, ^, ■? , j. '^■, 

p . of unity. 1 he ideal of unity 

cj could not be universally realised 

in the legal system and the ad- 
ministration of justice. The inhabitants, 
therefore, of the Rhenish districts were con- 
ceded the Code Napoleon, with juries and 
oral procedure, but the larger part of the 
monarchy was given the universal common 
law. The narrow-minded and meddlesome 
system of the excise and the local variations 
of the land-tax system were intolerable. 


The root . idea of the universal duty of 
bearing arms, that pillar of the monarchy, 
was opposed on many sides. This institu- 
tion, which struck deeply into family life, 
met with especial opposition and discon- 
tent in the newly acquired provinces. In 
large circles there prevailed the wish that 
there should no longer be a standing army. 

But finally the constitution of the army 
was adhered to ; it cemented together the 
different elements of the country. The 
ultimate form was that of three years' 
active service, two years' service in the 
reserve, and two periods of service in the 
militia, each of seven years. The fact 
that the universal duties of bearing arms 
and defending the country were to be 
permanent institutions made Frederic 
William suspicious. His narrow-minded 
but influential brother-in-law, Duke 
Charles of Mecklenburg-Strelitz, the sworn 
opponent of the reform legislation of Stein, 
Hardenberg, andScharnhorst, induced him 
to believe that a revolutionary party, 
whose movements were obscure, wanted 
to employ the militia against the throne, 
and advised, as a counter precaution, that 
the militia and troops of the 
n- -A A ■ t ^''^^ should be amalgamated. 

V c m -g^^^ ^j^^ originator of the law 

of defence, the Minister of 
War, Hermann von Boyen, resolutely 
opposed this blissful necessity. An ordin- 
ance of April 30th, 1815, divided Prussia 
into ten provinces ; but since East and 
West Prussia, Lower Rhine and Cleves- 
Berg were soon united, the number was 
ultimately fixed at eight, which were 
subdivided into administrative districts. 
Lords-lieutenant were placed at the 
head of the provinces instead of the 
former provincial Ministries. Their ad- 
ministrative sphere was accurately defined 
by a Cabinet order of November 3rd, 1817 ; 
they represented the entire Government, 
and fortunately these responsible posts 
were held by competent and occasionally 
prominent men. The amalgamation of the 
new territories with Old Prussia was 
complete, both externally and internally, 
howev-er difficult the task may have been 
at first in the province of Saxony and 
many other parts, and however much 
consistency and resolution may have been 
wanting at headquarters, in the immediate 
vicinity of Frederic William. But the 
struggle with the forces of local particu- 
larism was long and obstinate. The 
great period of Prince Hardenberg, 


Chancellor of State, was over. He could 
no longer master the infinity of work 
which rested upon him, got entangled in 
intrigues and escapades, associated with 
despicable companions, and immediately 
lost influence with the king, himself the soul 
of honour ; his share in the 
reorganisation of Prussia after 
the wars of liberation was 
too small. On the other hand, 
he guarded against Roman en- 
croachment, and assiduously 
worked at the question of the 
constitution. His zeal to 
realise his intentions there 
too frequently left the field 
open to the reactionaries in 
another sphere. Most of the 
higher civil servants admired 
the official liberalism of the 
chancellor, and therefore, like 

order to recommend themselves to the 
Governments as saviours of the threatened 
society. The indignation at their false- 
hoods was general ; there appeared 
numerous refutations, the most striking of 
which proceeded from the pen of Schleier- 
machcr and Niebuhr. The 
Prussian and Wiirtemberg 
Governments, however, stood 
on the side of Schmalz and 
his companions, and rewarded 
his falsehood with a decora- 
tion and acknowledgment. 
Frederic William HI., indeed, 
strictly forbade, in January, 
1816, any further literary 
controversy about secret 
combinations, but at the 
same time renewed the pro- 
hibition on such societies, at 
which great rejoicings broke 

Hardenberg and Stein, ap- frederic william hi. out in Vienna. He also for 
peared to the reactionaries He ascended the throne of Prussia ]-,j^(je tj^g further appearance 
as patrons of the extravagant Teste^'i;! TeUgiou? qSons," he ^i the " Rhenish Mercury," 
enthusiasm and Teutonis- did much to further the union of the which demanded a constitu- 
ing "agitation of the youth — Lutheran and Reformed Churches, tion and liberty of the Press, 
as secret democrats, in short. Boyen was Gneisenau was removed from the general 

command in Coblenz. Wittgenstein's 
spies were continual!}' active. The 
emancipation of the Jews, m contradiction 
to the royal edict of 1812, lost ground 
The Act for the regulation of landed pro- 
, perty proclaimed in Septem- 
ber, 1811, was "explained" 
in 1816, in a fashion which 
favoured so greatly the pro- 
perty of the nobles at the 
cost of the property of the 
peasants that it virtually re- 
pealed the Regulation Act. 

In the course of the last 
decade there had been fre- 
quent talk of a General 
Council. Stein's programme 
of 1808 proposed that the 
Council of State should be the 
highest ratifying authority for 
acts of legislation. Harden- 
berg, on the other hand, fear- 

the closest supjiorter of Hardenberg ; the 
Finance Minister, Count Biilow, lormerly 
the distinguished Finance Minister of the 
kingdom of Westphalia, usually supported 
him. while the chief of the War Office, 
Witzleben, the inseparable ; 
coimsellor of the king, who 
even ventured to work counter 
to the Duke of Mecklenburg, 
was one of the warmest advo- 
cates of the reform of Stein 
and Hardenberg. The re- 
actionaries, under Marwitz 
and other opponents of the 
great age of progress relied on 
the Ministers of the Interior 
and of the Police, the over- 
cautious Schuckmann and 
Prince William of Wittgen- 
stein. The latter was a bitter 
enemy of German patriotism 
and the constitution, and the 

best of the tools of Metter- thoid 'Niebuhr""in" i82-r7oo'k up ing for his own supremacy, 

nich at the court of Berlin, his residence at Bonn, and gave had Contemplated in 1810 

The reaction which naturally a great impetus to historicaiiearn- giving the council a far more 

f 11 1,1 1 .1 r '"ET °y n's lectures m that city. " i , »i t-> j. -ii, 

followed the exuberant love of modest role. But neither 

Distinguished as a historian, Bar- 

freedo n shown in the wars of liberation 
was peculiarly felt in Prussia. Janke, 
Schmalz, the brothei -in-law of Scharn- 
horst, and other place-hunters clumsily 
attacked in pamphlets the " seducers of 
the people " and the " demagogues," in 

scheme received a trial ; and in many 
quarters a Council of State was only 
thought of with apprehension. When, 
then, finally the ordinance of March 20tli. 
1817, established the Council of State, it 
was merely the highest advisory authority, 



the foremost rounsellor of the Crown, and 
Stein's name was missing from the list of 
those summoned by the king. 

The first labours of the Council of State 
were directed to the reform of the taxa- 
tion, which Count Biilow, the Finance 
Minister, wished to carry out in the spirit 
of modified Free Trade. His schemes were 
very aggressive, and aimed at 

The Aggressive 
Schemes of 
Count Biilow 

freedom of inland commerce, 
but showed that, considering 

the financial distress of the 
mom.enf. the state of the national debt, 
which in 1818 amounted to 217,000,000 
thalers, ^33.000,000, the want of credit, 
and the deficit, no idea of any remission 
of taxation could be entertained. In 
fact, Biilow demanded an increase of the 
inchrect taxes, a proposal which naturally 
hit the lower classes very hard. Humboldt 
headed the opponents of Biilow, and a bitter 
struggle broke out. The notables convened 
in the provinces to express their \'iews re- 
jected Billow's taxes on meal and meat, but 
pionounced in favour of the direct personal 
taxation, graduated according to classes. 

Biilow was replaced as Finance ]\Iinister 
at the end of 1S17 by Klewitz — the extent 
of whose office was, however, much dim- 
inished by all sorts of limitations — and 
received the newly created post of Minister 
of Trade and Commerce. In Altenstein, 
who between 1808 and 1810 had failed to 
distinguish himself as Finance Minister, 
Prussia found a born Minister of Pul^lic 
Worship and Education. 

In spite of many unfavourable conditions 
he put the educational system on a sound 
footing ; he introduced in 1817 the pro- 
vincial bodies of teachers, advocated uni- 
versal compulsory attendance at school, 
encouraged the national schools, and was 
instrumental in uniting the University of 
Wittenberg with that of Halle, and in 
founding the Universit}' of Bonn in 1818. 
Biilow, a pioneer in his own domain, 
not inferior to Altenstein in the field of 
. Church and school, adminis- 

u ow s tei-e(j the customs department. 
nana on the . j u .11 j 

^ supported by the shrewd 

Maassen. The first preparatory 
steps were taken in 1816, especially in 
June, by the abolition of the waterway 
tolls and the inland and provincial 
duties. A Cabinet Order of August ist, 
1817, sanctioned for all time the principle 
of free importation, and Maassen drew 
up tfic Customs Act, which became law 
on May 26th. 1818, and came into force 


at the beginning of 1819, according to 
Trcitschke "' the most liberal and matured 
politico-economic law of those days " ; it 
was simplified in 1821 to suit the spirit 
of Free Trade, and the tolls were still more 
lowered. An order of February 8th, 1819, 
exempted from taxation out of the list 
of inland products only wine, beer, brandy, 
and leaf tobacco ; on May 30th, 1820, a 
graduated personal tax and corn duties 
were introduced. 

Thus a well-organised system of taxation 
was founded, which satisfied the national 
economy for some time. All social forces 
were left with free power of movement and 
scope for expansion. It mattered little if 
manufacturers complained, so long as the 
national prosperity, which was quite 
shattered, revived. Prussia gradually 
found the way to the German Customs 
Union. No one, it is true, could yet 
predict that change ; but, as if with a 
presentiment, complaints of the selfish- 
ness and obstinacy of the tariff loan were 
heard beyond the Prussian frontiers. 
What progress had been made with the 
constitution granting provincial estates 
and popular representation, 

Retrogression ■ j u i.i i • u j.u 

promised by the king by the 
«r-.,^^ ^"*^ edict of ]\Iav 22nd, 1815 ? 
1 he commission promised tor 
this purpose was not summoned until 
March 30th, 1817. Hardenberg directed the 
proceedings since it had assembled on July 
7th in Berlin, sent Altenstein, Beyme, and 
Klewitz to visit the provinces in order to 
collect thorough evidence of the existing 
conditions, and received reports, which 
essentially contradicted each other. 

It appeared most advisable that the 
Ministers should content themselves with 
establishing provincial estates, and should 
leave a constitution out of the question. 
Hardenberg honestly tried to make pro- 
gress in the question of the constitution 
and to release the royal word which had 
been pledged ; Frederic William, on the 
contrary, regretted having given it, and 
gladly complied with the retrogressive 
tendencies of the courtiers and supporters 
of the old regime. He saw with concern 
the contests in the South German chambers 
and the excitement among the youth of 
Germany ; he pictured to himself the 
horrors of a revolution, and Hardenberg 
could not carry his point. 

The Federal Diet, the union of the princes 
of Germany, owed its existence to the 
Act of Federation of June 8th. 1815, which 


could not possibly satisfy the hopes of a 
nation which had conqtiered a Napoleon. 
Where did the heroes of the wars of 
liberation find any guarantee for their 
claims ? Of what did the national rights 
consist, and what protection did the whole 
Federation offer against foreign countries ? 
Even the deposed and mediatised princes 
of the old empire were deceived in their 
last hopes ; they had once more dreamed 
of a revival of their independence. But 
they were answered with cold contempt 
that the new political organisation of 
Germany demanded that the princes and 
counts, who had been found already 
mediatised, should remain incorporated 
into other political bodies or be incorpor- 
ated afresh ; that the Act of Federation 
involved the implicit recognition of this 
necessity. The Act of Federation pleased 
hardly anyone, not even its own designers. 
The opening of the Federal Diet, con- 
vened for September ist, 1815, was 
again postponed, since negotiations were 
taking place in Paris, and there were 
various territorial disputes between the 
several federal states to be decided. 
, Austria was scheming for Salz- 
f *f"/^ burg and the Breisgau, Bavaria 
„ for the Baden Palatinate ; 

the two had come to a mutual 
agreement at the cost of the House of 
Baden, whose elder line was dying out, 
and Baden was confronted with the 
danger of dismemberment. The two chief 
powers disputed about Mainz until the 
town fell to Hesse-Darmstadt, but the 
right of garrisoning the important federal 
fortress fell to them both. Baden only 
joined the Federation on July 26th, 18 15, 
Wiirtemberg on September ist. Notwith- 
standing the opposition of Austria and 
Prussia permission was given to Russia, 
Great Britain, and France to have am- 
bassadors at Frankfort, while the Federa- 
tion had no permanent representatives at 
the foreign capitals. Many of the South 
German courts regarded the foreign am- 
bassadors as a support against the leading 
German powers ; the secondary and petty 
states were most afraid of Prussia. 

Finally, on November 5th, i8i6, the 
Austrian ambassador opened the meeting 
of the Federation in Frankfort with a 
speech transmitted by Metternich. On 
all sides members were eager to move 
resolutions, and Metternich warned them 
against precipitation, the very last fault, 
as it turned out, of which the Federal Diet 

was likely to be guilty. On the question 

of the domains of Electoral Hesse, with 

regard to which many private persons 

took the part of the elector, the Federation 

sustained a complete defeat at his hands. 

The question of the military organisation 

of the Federation was very inadequately 

solved. When the Barbary States in 1817 

T,. ,. , extended their raids in 
The Idea of 1x1 i i , 

_ „, ^ search of slaves and booty as 

a German h leet r ^1x1^10 i 

Abandoned ^^ North Sea, and 

attacked merchantmen, the 
Hanseatic towns lodged complaints before 
the Federal Diet, but the matter ended in 
words. The ambassador of Baden, recalling 
the glorious past history of the Hansa, in 
vain counselled the federal states to build 
their own ships. The Federation remained 
dependent on the favour of foreign mari- 
time Powers ; the question of a German 
fleet was dropped. Nor was more done 
for trade and commerce ; the mutual 
exchange of food-stuffs was still fettered 
by a hundred restrictions. 

How did the matter stand with the per- 
formance of the article of the Act of 
Federation, which promised diets to all 
the federal states ? 

Charles Augustus of Saxe- Weimar had 
granted a constitution on May 5th, 1816, 
and placed it under the guarantee of tht 
Federation, which also guaranteed the 
Mecklenburg constitution of 18 17. The 
Federation generally refrained from inde- 
pendent action, and omitted to put into 
practice the inconvenient article empower- 
ing them to sit in judgment on " the v/is- 
dom of each federal government." Austria 
and Prussia, like most of the federal 
governments, rejoiced at this evasion ; 
it mattered nothing to them that the 
peoples were deceived and discontented. 

The samiC evasion was adopted in the 

case of Article XVHL, on the liberty 

of the Press. The north of Germany, 

which had hitherto lived apparently 

undisturbed, and the south, which was 

„^ ^ , . seething with the new constitu- 
Ihe Feudal .• 1 -j 1 . 

_ tional ideas, were somewhat 

. ^\^^ abruptly divided on this point. 

In Hanover the feudal system, 

which had been very roughly handled by 

Westphalian and French rulers, returned 

cautiously and without undue haste out of 

its lurking-place after the restoration of the 

House of Guelph. In the General Landtag 

the landed interest was enormously in the 

preponderance. Count Miinster-Leden- 

burg, who governed the new kingdom 



from London, sided with the nobihty ; the 
constitution imposed in 1814 rested on 
the old feudal principles. The estates 
solemnly announced on January 17th, 
1815, the union of the old and new terri- 
tories into one whole, and on December 
7th, 181C), Hanover received a new con- 
stitution on the dual-chamber system, and 
with complete equality of rights for the 
two chambers. The nobilit}^ and the 
official class were predominant. There 
was no trace of an organic development 
of the commonwealth ; the nobility con- 
ceded no reforms, and the people took little 
interest in the proceedings of the chambers. 

Charles insulted King George IV., and 
challenged Miinster to a duel. Finally, 
the Federal Diet intervened to end the 
mismanagement, and everything grew ripe 
for the revolution of 1830. 

In the kingdom of Saxony, so reduced 
in t'.'rritory and population, matters re- 
turned to the old footing. Frederic Au- 
gustus I. the Just maintained order in the 
peculiar sense in which he understood the 
word. Only quite untenable conditions 
were reformed, otherwise the king and 
the Minister, Count Einsiedel, considered 
that the highest political wisdom was to 
persevere in the old order of things. 


The preponderance of the nobility was 
less oppressive in Brunswick. George IV. 
acted as guardian of the young duke, 
Charles 11.^ and Count Miinster in London 
conducted the affairs of state, with 
the assistance of the Privy Council of 
Brunswick, and promoted the material 
interests of the state, and the country 
received on April 25th in the " renewed 
system of states " a suitable constitution. 
Everything went on as was wished imtil 
Charles, in October, 1823, himself assumed 
the government and declared war on the 
constitution. A regime of the most de- 
spicable caprice and licence now began ; 


Industries and trade were fettered, and 
there was a total absence of activity. The 
officials were as narrow as the statesmen. 
In the Federation Saxony always sided with 
Austria, being full of hatred of Prussia ; 
Saxony was only important in the develop- 
ment of art. Even under King Anthony, 
after May, 1827, everything remained in 
the old position. Einsiedel's statesman- 
ship was as powerful as before, and the 
discontent among the people grew. 

The two Mecklenburgs remained feudal 
states, in which the middle class and the 
peasants were of no account. Even the 
organic constitution of 1817 for Schwerin 

Charles II. 

Frederic Augustus 

William I. 

Assuming the government of Brunswick in 1823, Charles II. declared war on the constitution, and a regime of the most 
despicable caprice and licence went on until the Federal Diet intervened to end the mismanagement. Known as the Just, 
Frederic Augustus I. of Saxony followed in the old order of things, and thus the country was stunted in its industries. King 
of Wiirtemberg, William I. promised a liberal representative constitution, but did not fulfil his pledges ; he died in 1821. 

made no alteration in the feudal power 
prevailing since 1755 ; the knights were 
still, as ever, supreme in the country. The 
Sternberg Diet of i8ig led certainly to the 
abolition of serfdom, but the position of 
the peasants was not improved by this 
measure. Emigration became more com- 
mon ; trades and industries were stagnant. 
Even Oldenbiu-g was content with " poli- 
tical hibernation." Frankfort-on-Main 
received a constitution on October i8th, 
1816, and many obsolete customs were 
abolished. In the Hansa towns^ on the 
contrary, the old patriarchal conditions 
were again in full force ; the council ruled 
absolutely. Trade and commerce made 

great advances, especially in Hamburg and 
Bremen. The founding of Bremerhaven 
by the burgomaster Johann Smidt, a 
clever politician, opened fresh paths of 
world commerce to Bremen. 

The Elector William I., who had returned 
to Hesse-Cassel, wished to bring every- 
thing back to the footing of 1806, when he 
left his countn^ ; he declared the ordin- 
ances of " his administrator Jerome " not 
to be binding on him, recognised the sale 
of domains as little as the advancement 
of Hessian officers, but wished to make the 
fullest use of that part of the Westphalian 
ordinances which brought him personal 
advantage. He promised, indeed, a liberal 




representative constitution, but trifled 
with the Landtag, and contented himself 
with the promulgation of the unmeaning 
family and national law of March 4th, 
1817. When he died, unlamented, in 
1821, the still more capricious and worth- 
less regime of William II. began, which 
was marked by debauchery, family quar- 
rels, and public discontent. 

the Grand ^^^ """^^'^ edifying was the state 
n^, 'J^^ . of things in Hesse-Darmstadt, 
Uuke Lewis , fi r- 1 ta 1 t • 

where the drand Duke, Lewis 

I., although by inclination attached to the 
old regime, worked his best for reform, and 
did not allow himself to, be driven to re- 
action after the conference at Carlsbad. He 
gave Hesse on December 17th (March i8th), 
1820, a representative constitution, and was 
an enlightened ruler, as is shown, among 
other instances, by his acquiescence in the 
efforts of Prussia toward a customs union. 

The most unscrupulous among the 
princes of the Rhenish Confederation, 
Frederic of Wiirtemberg, readily noticed 
the increasing discontent of his subjects, 
and wished to meet it by the proclamation 
of January nth, 1815, that ever since 
1806 he had wished to give his country a 
constitution and representation by estates ; 
but when he read out his constitution to 
the estates on May 15th, these promptly 
rejected it. The excitement in the coun- 
try increased amid constant appeals to 
the " old and just right." Frederic died 
in the middle of a dispute on October 30th, 
1816. Under his son, William I., who was 
both chivalrous and ambitious, a better 
time dawned for Wiirtemberg. But the 
estates offered such opposition to him that 
the constitution was not formed until 
September 25th, 181Q ; but the first diet of 
1820-1821 was extremely amenable to the 
government. William was very popular, 
although his rule showed little liberalism. 

Bavaria, after the dethronement of its 
second creator, Napoleon, had recovered 
the territory on the left bank of the Rhine, 
- . . and formed out of it the 
_ , Rhenish Palatinate, whose 

Recovered , .• • j r ^ 

rr .. population remained tor a long 

time as friendly to France as 
Bavaria itself was hostile. " Father Max " 
certainly did his best to amalgamate the 
inhabitants of the Palatinate and Bavaria, 
and his premier. Count Montgelas, effected 
so many ])rofitable and wise changes for 
this kingdom, which had increased to more 
than thirteen hundred square German 
miles, with four million souls, that much 


of the blame attached to this policy might 
seem to be unjustified. His most danger- 
ous opponents were the Crown Prince 
Lewis, with his leaning towards roman- 
ticism and his " Teutonic " sympathies 
and hatred of France, and Field-Marshal 
Count Wrede. While Montgelas wished not 
to hear a .S3'llable about a new constitution, 
the crown prince deliberately adopted a 
constitutional policy, in order to prepare 
the downfall of the hated Frenchman. 

Montgelas' constitution of May ist, 1808, 
had never properly seen the light. He 
intended national representation to be 
nothing but a sham. The crown prince 
wished, in opposition to the Minister, that 
Bavaria should be a constitutional state, 
a model to the whole of Germany. Mont- 
gelas was able to put a stop to the intended 
creation of a constitution in 1814-1815, 
while his scheme of an agreement with the 
Curia was hindered by an increase in the 
claims of the latter. He fell on February 
2nd, 1817, a result to which the court at 
Vienna contributed, and Bavaria spoke 
only of his defects, without being in a 
position to replace Montgelas' system by 
another. The Concordat of 

r- ^ .-fZ- r }\xnQ 5th, 1817. signified a 
Constitution of -' / o 


complete victory of the Curia, 
and was intolerable in the 
new state of Bavarian public opinion ; the 
" kingdom of darkness " stood beside the 
door. The Crown met the general dis- 
content b}^ admitting into the constitution 
some provisions guaranteeing the rights 
of Protestants, and thus naturally fur- 
nished materials for further negotiations 
with the Curia. On May 26th, 1818, 
Bavaria finally received its constitution ; 
in spite of deficiencies and gaps it was full 
of vitality, and is still in force, although 
in the interval it has required to be altered 
in many points. 

Bavaria thus by the award of a liberal 
constitution had anticipated Baden, 
which was forced to grant a similar one in 
order to influence public opinion in its 
favour. Prospects of the Baden Rhenish- 
Palatinate were opened up to Bavaria by 
arrangements with Austria. The ruling 
House of Zahringen, except for an ille- 
gitimate line, was on the verge of extinc- 
tion, and the Grand Duke Charles could 
never make up his mind to declare the 
counts of Hochberg legitimate. At the 
urgent request of Stein and the Tsar 
Alexander, his brother-in-law, Charles, had 
already announced to Metternich and 


Hardenberg in Menna on December ist, 
1814, that he wished to introduce a repre- 
sentative constitution in his dominions, 
and so anticipated the Act of Federation. 
Stein once more implored the distrustful 
man, " whose indolence was boundless/' to 
carr}' out his intention ; but every appeal 
rebounded from him, and he once again 
postponed the constitutional question. 

The Bavarian craving for Baden terri- 
tory became more and more threaten- 
ing. A more vigorous spirit was felt in 
the Baden Ministry after its reorganisa- 
tion. At last, on October 4th, Charles, 
by a family law, proclaimed the indivisi- 
bility of the whole state and the rights of 
the Hochberg line to the succession. 
It was foreseen that Bavaria would not 
submit tamely to this. German public 
opinion, and even Russian influence were 
brought to bear in favour of a constitution. 
Baden was forced to try to anticipate 
Bavaria in making this concession. Even 
the Emperor Alexander opened the first 
diet of his kingdom of Poland on . the 
basis of the constitution of 1815, and took 
the occasion to praise the blessing of 

... liberal institutions. Then Ba- 

. ®-'°'^"^8s varia got the start of Baden. 
Q Tettenborn and Reitzenstein 

^ represented to Charles that 
Baden must make haste and create a still 
more liberal constitution, which was finally 
signed by Charles on August 22nd, 1818. 

It was, according to Barnhagen, "the 
most liberal of all German constitutions, the 
richest in germs of life, the strongest in 
energy." It entirely corresponded to the 
charter of Louis XVIII. The ordinances 
of October 4th, 1817. were also contained 
in it and ratified afresh. The rejoicings 
in Baden and liberal Germany at large 
were unanimous. In Munich there was 
intense bitterness. The Crown Prince 
Lewis in particular did not desist from 
trying to win the Baden Palatinate, 
and we know now that even Lewis II. 
in the year 1870 urged Bismarck to obtain 
it for Bavaria. Baden ceded to Bavaria in 
i8ig a portion of the district of Wertheim, 
and received from Austria Hohengerold- 
seck. The congress at Aix-la-Chapelle had 
also pronounced in favour of Baden in 1818. 

Nassau, before the rest of Germany, had 
received, on September 2nd, 1814, a 
constitution, for which Stein was partl^ 
responsible. But the estates were not 
summoned until the work of reorganising 
the duchj' was completed. Duke William 

opened the assembly at la«^t on March 3rd, 
1818, and a tedious dispute soon broke 
out about the Crown lands and state 
property. The ^linister of btate, Bieber- 
stein, a particularist and reacti'onary of 
the purest water, adopted Metternich's 
views. In popular opinion the credit of 
the first step was not given to Nassau, 
y because it delaj^ed so long to 

g"**^" ^ . take the second. If Metternich 
the Diets looked towards Prussia, he saw 
the king in his element, and 
Hardenberg in continual strife with Hum- 
boldt ; if he turned his e3'es to South 
Germany, he beheld a motley scene, 
which also gave him a hard problem to 
solve. In Bavaria the first diet led to 
such unpleasant scenes that the king con- 
templated the repeal of the constitution. 
In Baden, where Rotteck and Baron 
Liebenstein were the leaders, a flood of 
proposals was poured out against the 
rule of the new Grand Duke, Lewis I. ; 
the dispute became so bitter that Lewis, 
on July 28th. 1819. prorogued the chambers. 
In Nassau and in Hesse-Darmstadt there 
was also much disorder in the diets. 

The reaction saw all this with great 
pleasure. It experienced a regular trivmiph 
on March 23rd, 1819, through the bloody 
deed of a student, Karl Ludwig Sand. 
It had become a rooted idea in the limited 
brain of this fanatic that the dramatist 
and Russian privy councillor, August von 
Kotzebue, was a Russian spy, the most 
dangerous enemy of German freedom 
and German academic life ; he therefore 
stabbed him in Mannheim. While great 
and general sympathy was extended to 
Sand, the governments feared a con- 
spiracy of the student associations where 
Sand had studied. 

Charles Augustus saw that men looked 
askance at him. and his steps for the pre- 
servation of academic liberty were unavail- 
ing. Metternich possessed the power, and 
made full use of it, being sure of the assent 
,, . . . of the majority of German 

Universities i. r n • j x 

XI. u .1 J governments, of Russia, and ol 

the Hotbeds 9, , t-. ^ ■ r t- 

,, . . Great Britam; even from r ranee 
of Intrigues . . , 

approval was showered upon 

him. Frederic William III., being com- 
pletely I'uled by Prince Wittgenstein and 
Kaunitz, was more and more overwhelmed 
with fear of revolution, and wished to abolish 
everything which seemed open to suspicion. 
The universities, the fairest ornaments 
of Germany, were regarded by the rulers 
as hotbeds of revolutionary intrigues ; 



they required to be freed from the danger. 
The authorities of Austria and Prussia 
thought this to be imperatively necessary, 
and during the season for the waters at 
Carlsbad they wished to agree upon the 
measures. Haste was urgent, as it seemed, 
for on July ist, 1819, Sand had already 
found an imitator. Karl Loning, an apothe- 
_ Gary's apprentice, attempted 

-, '°^ to assassinate at Schwalbach 

PrTssir ^^^^ ^°^ ^^^^^' ^^^® president 
of the Nassau Government, 
whom, in spite of his liberal and excellent 
administration, the crackbrained Radicals 
loudly proclaimed to be a reactionary. The 
would-be assassin committed suicide after 
his attempt had failed. In Prussia steps 
were now taken to pay domiciliary visits, 
confiscate papers, and make arrests. Jahn 
was sent to a fortress, the papers of the 
bookseller Reimer were put under seal, 
Schleiermacher's sermons were subject to 
police surveillance, the houses of Welcker 
and Arndt in Bonn were carefully searched 
and all writings carried off which the 
bailiffs chose to take. Protests were futile. 
Personal freedom had no longer any pro- 
tection against the tyranny of the police. 
The privacy of letters was constantly 
infringed, and the Government issued falsi- 
fied accounts of an intended revolution. 

On July 29th Frederic William and 
Metternich met at Toplitz. Metternich 
strengthened the king's aversion to grant 
a general constitution, and agitated against 
Hardenberg's projected constitution. On 
August ist the Contract of Toplitz was 
agreed upon, which, though intended to 
be kept secret, was to form the basis of the 
Carlsbad conferences ; a censorship was 
to be exercised over the Press and the uni- 
versities, and Article 13 of the Act of 
Federation was to be explained in a corre- 
sponding sense. Metternich triumphed, for 
even Hardenberg seemed to submit to him. 
Metternich returned with justifiable self- 
complacency to Carlsbad, where he found 
« ». ... his selected body of diplo- 

Metternich s , • , j li t t r 

matists, and over the heads of 


the Federal Diet he discussed 
with the representatives of a 
quarter of the governments, from August 
6th to 31st, reactionary measures of the 
most sweeping character. Gentz, the secre- 
tary of the congress, drew up the minutes 
on which the resolutions of Carlsbad were 
mainly based. Metternich wished to grant 
to the Federal Diet a stronger influence on 
the legislation of the several states, and 


through it indirectly to guide the govern- 
ments, unnoticed by the public. The inter- 
pretation of Article 13 of the Act of 
Federation Was deferred to ensuing con- 
ferences at Vienna, and an agreement was 
made first of all on four main points. A 
very stringent press law for five years 
was to be enforced in the case of all papers 
appearing daily or in numbers, and of 
pamphlets containing less than twenty 
pages of printed matter ; and every federal 
state should be allowed to increase the 
stringency of the law at its own discretion. 
The universities were placed under the 
strict supervision of commissioners ap- 
pointed by the sovereigns ; dangerous 
professors were to be deprived of their 
office, all secret societies and the universal 
student associations were to be prohibited, 
and no member of them should hold a 
public post. It was enacted that a central 
commission, to which members were sent 
by Austria, Prussia, Bavaria, Hanover, 
Baden, Hesse-Darmstadt, and Nassau, 
should assemble at Mainz to investigate the 
treasonable revolutionary societies wliich 
had been discovered ; but, by the distinct 

^, _, _. declaration of Austria, such 

Ihe 1 e Ueum , i j i 

. . commission should have no 

_ .. . judicial power. A preliminary 

Reactionaries ■• ,• ^ , / , . / 

executive order, to terminate 

after August, 1820, was intended to secure 
the carrying out of the resolutions of the 
Federation for the maintenance of internal 
tranquillity, and in given cases mihtary 
force might be employed to effect it. 

On September ist the Carlsbad con- 
ferences ended, and the party of reaction 
sang their Te Deum. Austria appeared to 
be the all-powerful ruler of Germany. " A 
new era is dawning," Metternich wrote to 
London. The Federal Diet accepted the 
Carlsbad resolutions with unusual haste 
on September 20th, and they were pro- 
claimed in all the federal states. Austria 
had stolen a march over the others, and 
the Federal Council expressed its most 
humble thanks to Francis therefor. All 
free-thinkers saw in the Carlsbad resolu- 
tions not merely a check on all freedom and 
independence, but also a disgrace ; nev^er- 
theless, the governments, in spite of the 
indignation of men like Stein, Rotteck, 
Niebuhr, Dahlmann, Ludwig Borne, and 
others, carried them out in all their harsh- 
ness. The central commission of inquiry 
hunted through the Federation in search 
of conspiracies, and, as its own reports 
acknowledge, found nothing of importance, 


but unscrupvilously interfered with the life 
of the nation and the individual. Foreign 
countries did not check this policy, 
although many statesmen, Capodistrias at 
their head, disapproved of the reaction. 
The Students' Association was officially 
dissolved on November 26th, 18 19, but 
was immediately reconstituted in secret. 

There was no demagogism in Austria ; 
Prussia was satisfied to comply with the 
wishes of the court of Vienna, and even 
Hardenberg was 

prepared for any 
step which Met- 
t e r n i c h pre- 
scribed. Every 
suspected per- 
son was re- 
garded in Berlin 
as an imported 
The edict of 
censorship of 
1819, dating 
from the day 
of liberation, 
October i8th, 
breathed the 
unholy s])irit 
of W o 1 1 n e r ; 
foreign journals 
were strictly 
supervised. The 
reac t i on was 
nowhere more 
than in Prussia, 
wliere nothing 
recalled the say- 
ing of Frederic 
the Great, that 
every man 
might be happy 
after his own 
fashion. The 
gymnasia were 
as relentlessly 
persecuted as 
the intellectual 

exercises of university training ; nothing 
could be more detestable than the way in 
which men like Arndt, Gneisenau, and 
Jahn were made to run the gauntlet, 
or a patriot like Justus Gruner was 
ill-treated on his very deathbed, or 
the residence of Gorres in Germany ren- 
dered intolerable. This tendency obviously 
crippled the fulfilment of the royal promise 
of a constitution — a promise in which 


Frederic William had never been serious. 
Hardenberg and Humboldt were per- 
petually quarrelling ; Humboldt attacked 
the exaggerated power of the chancellor, 
who was not competent for his post ; 
Hardenberg laid a new plan of a constitu- 
tion before the king on August nth, 1819. 
The king, in this dispute, took the side of 
Hardenberg, and the dismissal of Boyen 
and Grolman was followed, on December 
31st, 1819, by that of Humboldt and 

Count Beyme. 
Metternich re- 
joiced ; Hum- 
boldt, the 
bad man," was 
put on one side 
and thence- 
forth lived for 

position was 
once more 
strengthened ; 
his chief object 
was to carry the 
revenue and fin- 
ance laws. On 
January 17th, 
1820, the ordi- 
nance as to the 
condition of the 
national debt 
was issued, from 
which the 
Liberals re- 
ceived the 
comforting as- 
surance that the 
Crown would 
not be able to 
raise new loans 
except under 



Entering the service of Prussia in 178(1, Baron von Stein worked for pro- guarantee Ot 

gress and laid the foundations of Prussia's subsequent greatness. +]-,p nroOO^ed 

Rotteck, a professor at Freiburg, was eminent as a historian and publicist ; r r 

famous as a naturalist and traveller, Humboldt explored unknown assembly of the 

lands, while Eichhorn was a prominent Prussian statesman and jurist. , 4.0c. ^r>A 

est ares, ano 
that the trustees of the debt would furnish 
the assembly with an annual statement of 
accounts. Shipping companies and banks 
were remodelled ; the capital account 
was to be published every three years. 
Hardenberg then brought his revenue 
laws to the front, and in spite of many 
difficulties these laws, which, though 
admittedly imperfect, still demanded 
attention, were passed on May 20th, 1820. 



of Union 

In accordance with the agreement made 
in Carlsbad, the representatives of the 
inner federal assembly met in Vienna, and 
deliberated from November 25th, 181Q. 
to May 24th. 1820, over the head of the 
Federal Diet ; the result, the final act of 
Vienna of May 15th, 1820, obtained the 
same validity as the Federal Act of 1815. 
„ . In the plenary assembly of June 

8th. 1820, the Federal JDiet pro- 
moted it to be a fundamental 
law of the Federation. Particu- 
larism and reaction had scored a success, 
and the efficiency of the Federal Diet was 
once more crippled. The nation was 
universally disappointed by the new- 
fundamental law, which realised not one 
of its expectations ; but Metternich 
basked in the rays of success. 

The question of free intercourse between 
the federal states had also been discussed 
in Vienna, and turned men's looks to 
Prussia's efforts towards a customs union. 
The Customs Act of May 26th, 181 8, was 
unmercifully attacked ; it was threatened 
with repeal at the Congress of Aix-la- 
Chapelle, but weathered the storm, and 
found protection from Johann Friedrich 
Eichhorn. In the field of material interests 
Eichhorn had a free hand ; he was a hero 
of unobtrusive work, who with inde- 
fatigable patience went towards his goal — 
the union of the German states to Prussia 
hy the bond of their own interests. In 
1819 he invited the Thuringian states, 
which formed enclaves in Prussia, to a 
tariff union, and on October 25th in that 
year the first treaty for accession to the 
tariff union was signed with Schwarzburg- 
Sondershausen ; since this was extremely 
advantageous to the pett}^ state, it 
served as a model to all further treaties 
with Prussian enclaves. 

The German Commercial and Industrial 
Association of the traders of Central and 
Southern Germany was founded in Frank- 
fort during the April Fair of i8ig, under 
^. -, , the presidency of Professor 

I he Oeneral -r-, ■ f • i y • T x t---i_- 

^ . , rnednch List of Tubmsren. 

Commercial ^, • i r ,i °- 

. ... Ihe memorial of the associa- 
Association , . , , .. . 

tion, drawn up by List and 

presented to the diet, pictured as its 
ultimate aim the universal freedom of 
commercial intercouise between every 
nation ; it called for the abolition of the 
inland tolls and existing federal tolls on 
foreign trade, but was rejected. List now 
attacked the several governments, scourged 
in his journal the faults of German 


commercial policy, was an opponent of the 
Prussian Customs Act, and always recurred 
to federal tolls. Far clearer were the 
economic views of the Baden statesman 
Karl Friedrich Nebenius, whose pamphlet 
was laid before the Vienna conferences. 
He too attacked the Prussian Customs Act : 
but his pamphlet, in spite of all its merits, 
had no influence on the development of the 
tariff union. Johann Friedrich Benzenberg 
alone of the well-known journalists of the 
day spoke for Prussia. Indeed, the hos- 
tility to Prussia gave rise to the abortive 
separate federation of Southern and 
Central Germany, formed at Darmstadt in 
1820. Such plans were foredoomed to 
failure. All rival tariff unions failed in the 
same way. 

Hardenberg's influence over Frederic 
William III. had been extinguished by 
Metternich, and the Chancellor of State 
was politically dead, even before he closed 
his eyes, on November 26th, 1822. A 
new constitution commission under the 
presidency of the Crown Prince Frederic 
William (IV.), who was steeped in roman- 
ticism, consisted entirely of Hardenberg's 

opponents, and would only be 
.*.*'* content with charters for the 
T^'**" h several provinces. The king 

consented to them. After 
Hardenberg's death the king could not 
consent to summon Wilhelm von Hum- 
boldt, but abolished the presidency in the 
Cabinet. The king contented himself 
with the law of June 5th, 1823, as to the 
regulation of provincial estates. 

Bureaucracy and feudalism celebrated 
a joint victory in this respect. Austria 
could be contented with Prussia's aversion 
to constitutional forms, and, supported 
by it, guided the Federal Diet, in which 
Wiirtemberg, owing to the frankness 
and independence of its representative, 
Wangenheim. now and again broke 
from the trodden path. Wangenheim 
suggested the plan of confronting the great 
German powers with a league " of pure 
and constitutional Germany," under the 
leadership of Bavaria and Wiirtemberg, 
pioposing to create a triple alliance. But 
the Menna conferences of Januarj-, 1823, 
arranged by Metternich, soon led to 
Wiirtemberg's compliance. Wangenheim 
fell in July. The Carlsbad resolutions 
were renewed in August, 1824, and the 
Federal Diet did not agitate again, after it 
had quietly divided the unhapp}' Central 
Enquiry Commission at Mainz in 1828. 











TTHE restored Bourbon monarch of 
•■• France found himself in an exceedingly 
difficult position. At his first restoration 
in 1814, he had been disposed to maintain 
the attitude of absolutism, and had con- 
sented to grant a constitution in the form 
of a concession bestowed by the benevo- 
lence of the Crown. This "Charta" had 
estabhshed two Chambers — .one of peers, 
nominated by the Crown, the other of 
representatives elected under a high 
franchise. But the Royalists even then 
had shown a zeal which Louis had not 
restrained for the recovery of old rights 
and of the old supremacy. The masses 
of the people had thereby been alienated. 
Louis recognised his error, and was now 
determined to abide by his constitution ; 
but the Royalists saw only that their side 
was uppermost. Like the English Cavaliers 
when Charles IL came back to " enjoy 
his own again," they hoped to get back all 
that they had lost with interest. 
ims o j^^^^ ^j_^^ English Cavaliers 

the French ° 


had learnt very promptly to 

recognise that the old order 
had gone never to return ; the French 
Royalists were not equally capable of 
reconciling themselves to that doctrine. 
More royalist than the king, they made 
haste to seek to impose their views upon 
him. Socially, the democratising of France 
had not been swept away under the 
Empire, though it had been so politically. 
The political centralisation of the Empire 
was only modified by the Charta ; but 
the Royalists aimed at reversing the social 
democratisation as well. Their head- 
quarters were naturally established in the 
entourage of Artois, the king's brother, 
and the circle became known from his 
residence as the Pavilion Marsan. 

Louis, both from calculation and from 
grasp of the situation, held fast to his con- 
stitution, and was involved in continued 
conflict with his brother and the Royalists 
" quand meme," the party of no com- 
promise. He had promised an amnesty, 

but he did not succeed in checking the 
" White Terror," the outbreak of royalist 
violence in Southern France. In Mar- 
seilles, Avignon, Nismes, Toulouse, and 
other places disorders broke out, in 
which religious fanaticism also played 
its part. Bonapartists and Protestants 
Th "Wh't "^^^^ murdered wholesale, 
_, ,, ' among them Marshal Brune, 
- Generals Lagarde and Ramel ; 

courts and local authorities 
were powerless to check the outrages. 
Fouche drew up the proscription-lists 
against those who were privy, or sus- 
pected of being privy, to the Hundred 
Days, but prudently forgot to put himself 
at the head of the list ; and while the 
executions of General La Bedoyere and 
Marshal Ney, accompanied by the horrors 
in Lyons and Grenoble, were bound to 
make the position of the king impossible, 
and while the foremost men of France were 
driven out of the country, he was conspir- 
ing with the Duke of Orleans, being also 
anxious to overthrow Talleyrand. 

Fouche was attacked, nevertheless, 
on all sides, was compelled to resign 
the Ministry of Police in September, 
1815, and was expelled, in 1816, as a 
relapsed regicide. His dismissal was 
followed closely by that of his rival, 
Talleyrand, who was appointed High 
Chamberlain, and replaced, to the satis- 
faction, and indeed at the wish, of Russia, 
by the former governor-general in Odessa, 
the Duke of Richelieu, an emigre quite 
unacquainted with French affairs. Louis, 
who could not exist without 
Favourites favourites, had given his heart 
of the ° 

French King 

to the former secretary of 

Madame Mere, Decazes. As 
Fouche's successor, he sided with the 
Pavilion Marsan, passed sundry capri- 
cious and arbitrary measures to main- 
tain order, but was still far too mild 
for the ultra-Royalists, who exercised a 
sort of secondary government, and piro- 
cured Talleyrand's help against him. 



The King 
Dissolves the 

The violence of this extreme section had 
found its warrant in the first election to 
the Chamber of Deputies in which it had 
effected an electioneering victory. But 
when the Pavilion Marsan and the deputies 
wished to cap the repressive measures of 
Decazes by making a farce of the very neces- 
sary amnesty for their political opponents, 
Louis found it necessary to 
dissolve the Chambers, and 

^, . the Royalist successes were 

Chambers , -^ , ^ . ^^ 

not repeated at the new 

election. The majority were supporters 

of the moderate Richelieu, while Decazes 

was, comparatively speaking, a progressive. 

The new Chambers passed the Electoral 
Law of 1817, which secured power to the 
middle-class, in whom the ultra-Royalists 
saw their strongest opponents, and the prin- 
ciple adopted, that one-fifth of the deputies 
should retire annually, in fact assured an 
annual increase in what may be called the 
existing Liberal majority. The Royalists 
then turned their efforts to procuring a 
very much lower franchise, in the belief 
that the peasantry would be much more 
amenable to the influence of clericals and 
landowners than the now dominant classes. 

Richelieu soon found himself alarmed 
by what appeared to be the revival of 
the revolutionary spirit, emphasised _ at 
the elections of 1818 by the appearance 
among the new deputies of Lafayette and 
Benjamin Constant. His position seemed 
strengthened by the success of France at 
the Conference of Aix-la-Chapelle, where 
he represented her in person and procured 
the immediate withdrawal of the allied 
garrisons. Nevertheless, his representa- 
tions that the electoral law must be modi- 
fied to check the democratic movement 
failed to convince the king, and Richelieu 
retired in December, 1818. 

The Ministry of Dessoles, which now 
took the lead, was dominated by Riche- 
lieu's rival, Decazes, who became Minister 
of the Interior. An arrangement was. 
E t d d effected with the Curia on 
Liberties ^^^S^st 23rd, 1819. Freedom 
. p of the Press was encouraged, 

and the extraordinary laws 
against the liberty of the subject were 
repealed. The Ministry, however, at one 
time inclined to the Constitutionalists, at 
another to the ultra-Royalists, and thus 
forfeited the confidence of all. and depended 
on the personal and vacillating policy of 
the king, while the intensity of party 
feeling was increased. Even a great 


batch of new peers in March, 1819, did not 
give the Crown the hoped-for parliamen- 
tary support. An alteration of the elec- 
toral law seemed imperative ; it was 
essential to show fight against the Left. 

On November 20th, 1819, the country 
learnt that Dessoles was dismissed and 
Decazes had become first Minister. The 
vacillating policy of Decazes quickly 
estranged all parties, and they only 
waited for an opportunit}'' to get rid of 
him. On February 13th, 1820, the king's 
nephew, Charles Ferdinand, Duke of 
Berry, the only direct descendant of 
Louis XV. from whom children could be 
expected, was stabbed at the opera, and 
the ultras dared to utter the lie that 
Decazes was the accomplice of Louvel the 
murderer. The royal family implored the 
king to dismiss his favourite, and Louis 
dismissed Decazes on February 21st, 1820. 

Richelieu became first Minister once 
more. Decazes went to London as 
ambassador, and received the title of 
duke. This compulsory change of minis- 
ters seemed to the king like his own 
abdication. Exceptional legislation 
against personal freedom was indeed 
necessary, but it increased the 
bitterness of the Radicals, who 


. p . were already furious at the men- 
ace of the Electoral Law of 1817. 
Matters came to bloodshed in Paris in 
June, 1820 ; the Right, however, carried 
the introduction of a new electoral law. 
The abandonment of France to the noisy 
emancipationists standing on the extreme 
Left was happily diverted. Richelieu admin- 
istered the country in a strictly monarchical 
spirit, but never became the man of the 
ultra-Royalists of the Pavilion Marsan. 

The disturbed condition of the Iberian 
Peninsula gave the leaders of the reaction 
a new justification for their policy and a 
new opportunity of applying it. Fer- 
dinand VII., the king so intensely desired 
by the Spaniards, had soon shown himself 
a mean despot, whose whole government 
was marked by depravity and faithlessness, 
by falsehood and distrust. He abolished 
in May, 1814, the constitution of 1812, 
which was steeped in the spirit of the 
French Constituent Assembly, dismissed 
the Cortes, and with a despicable party or 
camarilla of favourites and courtiers 
persecuted all liberals and all adherents of 
Joseph Bonaparte. He restored all the 
monasteries, brought back the Inquisition 
and the Jesuits, and scared Spain once 


more into the deep darkness of the Middle 
Ages ; he destroyed all benefits of govern- 
ment and the administration of justice, 
filled the prisons with innocent men, and 
revelled with guilty associates. Trade 
and commeice were at a standstill, and in 
spite of all the pressure of taxation the 
treasury remained empty. The Ministries 
and high officials continually changed 
according to the caprice of the sovereign, 
and there was no ^-iretcnce at pursuing a 

the influence of the Powers, particularly 
of Russia, Ferdinand was rudely awakened 
from the indolence into which he had fallen. 
Better days seemed to be dawning for Spain ; 
but the reforming mood soon passed away. 
Regiments intended to be employed 
against the rising in South America had 
been assembled at Cadiz, but at this 
centre a conspiracy against the Govern- 
ment in Madrid broke out. On New 
Year's Day, 1820, the colonel of the regi- 


systematic policy. Such evils led to the 
rebellions of discontented and ambitious 
generals, such as Xaverio Mina, who paid 
the penalty of failure on the scaffold or 
at the gallows. Even the loyalty of the 
South American colonies wavered ; they 
were evidently contemplating defection 
from the mother country, in spite of all 
counter measures; and the rising world 
power of the United States of North 
America was greatly strengthened. By 

ment of Asturia, RiegO; proclaimed in 
Las Cabezas de San Juan on the Isla de 
Leon the constitution of 1812, arrested at 
Arcos the commander-in-chief of the ex- 
peditionary force together with his staff, 
drove out the magistrates, and joined 
Colonel Antonio Quiroga, who now was 
at the head of the undertaking. The 
attempt to capture Cadiz failed ; Riego's 
march through Andalusia turned out 
disastrously, and he was forced on March 



iith to disband his followers at Bien- 
venida. Quiroga also achieved nothing. 
But the cry for the constitution of 1812 
found a responsive echo in Madrid. 
Galicia, Asturia, Cantabria, and Aragon 
revolted. The royal government com- 
pletely lost heart, since it had too evil a 
conscience. The king, always a coward, 
capitulated with undignified 
eac ion alacrity, declared himself ready 
. "^'g ™? *'' to gratify " the universal wish 
of the people," and on 
March 9th took a provisional oath of 
adherence to the constitution of 181 2. 

The whole kingdom was at the mercy 
of the unruly and triumphant Left. It 
was headed by Quiroga and Riego, and 
the Government was obliged to confer upon 
both these mutineers the rank of field- 
marshal. Quiroga was the more moderate 
of the two, and as Vice-president of the 
Cortes, which met on July 9th, endea- 
voured to organise a middle party. Riego 
preferred the favour of the mob ; at 
Madrid he received a wild ovation, 
August 30th to September 6th, and 
a hymn composed in his honour and 
called by his name was in everybody's 
mouth. Although his arrogance produced 
a temporary reaction, the party which he 
led was in the end triumphant. As cap- 
tain-general of Galicia and Aragon, Riego 
became master of the situation, and the 
Court was exposed to fresh humiliations. 

The spirit of discontent had also 
seized Portugal, where the reorganiser of 
the army, Field-Marshal Lord Beresford, 
conducted the government for King" John 
VL, who was absent in Brazil. A national 
conspiracy against the British was quickly 
suppressed in 1817 ; but the feeling of 
indignation smouldered, and when Beres- 
ford himself went to Rio Janeiro for 
commands, secret societies employed his 
absence to stir up fresh sedition. The 
rebellion broke out on August 24th, 1820, 
under Colonel Sepulveda and Count 
p Silveira in Oporto, and Lisbon 

or uga s fQ|iQ^.g(j g^j^ Q^ September 

spirit of , , n^^ ■ j_ ■ ,-, , ^ ■ 

jj. 15th. the juntas mstitutedm 

both places amalgamated into 
one provisional government on October ist, 
and when Beresford returned on October 
loth, he was not allowed to land. The 
Cortes of 1821 drew up, on March 9th, the 
preliminary sketch of a constitution which 
limited the power of the Crown, as it had 
already been limited in Spain. All the 
authorities swore to it ; Count Pedro 


Palmella, the foremost statesman of the 
kingdom, advised John VL to do the same. 
Jolm appeared in Lisl)on, left his eldest 
son Dom Pedro behind as regent in Brazil, 
and swore to the principles of the consti- 
tution on July 3rd, 1821. 

In Italy, m-anwhile, there was a strong 
movement on foot in favour of republi- 
canism and union. But few placed their 
hopes on Piedmont itself, for King Victor 
Emmanuel I. was a bigoted, narrow- 
minded ruler, who sanctioned the most 
foolish retrogressive policy, and, like 
William I. at Cassel, declared everything 
that had occurred since 1789 to be simply 
null and void. There was no prospect of 
freedom and a constitution while he con- 
tinued to reign. His prospective successor, 
Charles Felix, was as little of a Liberal as 
himself. The nobility and the clergy alone 
felt themselves happy. The hopes of better 
days could only be associated with the 
head of the indirect line of Carignan, 
Charles Albert, who in Piedmont and 
Sardinia played the role of the Duke of 
Orleans in France, and represented the 
future of Italy for many patriots even 
beyond the frontiers of Piedmont. In 
Modena, Duke Francis IV. of 
the Austrian house did away 

Rule of Duke 

with the institutions of the 
revolutionary period and 
brought back the old regime. The Society 
of Jesus stood at the helm. Modena, on 
account of the universal discontent, 
became a hotbed of secret societies. 

In the papal states the position was the 
same . as in Modena ; it was hardly better 
in Lucca, or in Parma, where Napoleon's 
wife, the Empress Marie Louise, held sway. 
InTuscany, the Grand Duke Ferdinand III. 
reigned without any spirit of revenge ; he 
was an enemy of the reaction, although 
often disadvantageously influenced from 
Vienna. The peace and security which his 
rule assured to Tuscany promoted the 
growth of intellectual and material culture. 
His was the best administered state in the 
whole of Italy ; and when he died, in 1824, 
his place was taken by his son Leopold II., 
who continued to govern on the same 
lines and with the same happy results. 

Pius VII. and his great Secretary of 
State, Cardinal Consalvi, had indeed the 
best intentions when the States of the 
Church were revived ; but the upas-tree of 
the hierarchy blighted all prosperity. Not 
a vestige remained of the modern civilised 
lay state, especially after Consalvi was 


removed and Leo XII., 1823-1829, 
assumed the reins of government. Secret 
societies and conspiracies budded, and 
brigandage took a fresh lease of hfe. The 
secret society of the Carbonari, having 
become too large for Neapolitan soil — 1808 
—maintained re- 
lations with the 
Freemasons, who 
had influence in 
the Italian dis- 
putes, and with 
Queen Mary 
Caroline of 
Naples. Later, 
the Government 
vainly tried to 
suppress the 
Carbonari, who, 
though degraded 
by the admission 
of the most no- 
torious criminals 

was powerless against them. The ne.vly 
revived citizen militia was immediately 
infected by the Carbonari, which tempted 
it with the charm of a " conscitution." 

Gughelmo Pepe, an ambitious general, 
but fickle character, became the soul ot 
the Carbonari in 
and gave them a 
considerable de- 
gree of military 
efficiency. He 
contemplated in 
1819 the arrest 
of the king, the 
Emperor and 
Empress of Aus- 
tria, and Met- 
ternich, at a 
review. The 
plan was not 
executed, but the 
spell of the 


The Duke of Richelieu, an emigre and formerly g-overnor-general at 

Inrl o-oinprl dhnlH Odessa, was appointed to succeed Talleyrand as High Chamberlain Qi^oniQh insnr- 

liaa gainea anoia though he was quite unacauainted with French affairs, while Dccazes, '^P'il"^'" ^"^Ui 

on every stratum who supported the Bourbon restoration, became a great favourite of rCCtlOU and the 

- -^ the king. He was dismissed in 1S20, and went to London as ambassador. „p^ COnstitutioU 

of society 

The misgovernment of Naples and Sicily 
gave a plausible excuse for revolutionary 
agitation. King Ferdinand IV., a phleg- 
matic old man, full of cunning and trea- 
chery, licentiousness and cruelty, had not 
fulfilled one of the promises which he had 
given on his return to the 
throne, but had, on the con- 
trary, secretly promised the 
Court of Vienna that he would 
not- grant his country a con- 
stitution until Austria set 
him the example. On Dec- 
ember nth, 1816, he united 
his states into the " Kingdom 
of the Two Sicilies," and 
assumed the title of Ferdinand 
I. ; and, although he left in 
existence many useful reforms 
which had been introduced 
during the French period, he 
bitterly disappointed his 
Sicilian subjects by abolishing 

ensnared him and his partisans. On July 
2nd, 1820, two sub-lieutenants raised the 
standard of revolt at Nola, and talked 
foohshly about the Spanish constitution, 
which was totally unknown to them. On 
the 3rd this was proclaimed in Avellino. 
. Pepe assumed the lead of the 
movement, which spread far 
and wide, and marched upon 
Naples. The Ministry changed. 
Ferdinand placed the govern- 
ment temporarily in the hands 
of his son Francis, who was 
detested as the head of the 
Calderari, and the latter 
accepted the Spanish consti- 
tution on July 7th, a policy 
which Ferdinand confirmed. 
On the 9th, Pepe entered 
Naples in triumph, with 
soldiers and militia ; and 
Ferdinand, with tears in his 
eyes, took the oath to the 

Riego was at the head of the Madrid 

the constitution which Lord ri^'ng of if ^ : his march through constitution on the 13th, in 

iiiv^ <^wii.oi.j.i.Lii,iwii vvlll^-ll A^KjLyu. Aij(jalusia tumcd out disastrously, -^ 

Bentinck had given them in and he disbanded his followers. He 

1812. The police and the ""^ •^""^^'' ^' "^'^"^ '" ''''■ 

judicial system were deplorably bad ; 
the Minister of Police was the worst 
robber of all, and the head of the Cal- 
derari, a rival reactionary society. The 
army was neglected. Secret societies and 
bands of robbers vied with each other in 
harassing the country, and the Government 

the palace chapel. The 
Bourbons began to wear the 
colours of the Carbonari. Pepe, as 

commander-in-chief and captain-general 
of the kingdom, was now supreme ; but 
Ferdinand hastened to assure the indig- 
nant Metternich that all his oaths and 
promises had been taken under com- 
pulsion and were not seriously meant. 



Sicily no longer wished to be treated as 

a dependency of Naples, and claimed to 

receive back the constitution of 1812. 

Messina revolted, and Palermo followed 

the example on July 14th ; on the i8th 

there was fighting in the streets of Palermo. 

The governor, Naselli, fled, and the mob 

ruled ; immediately afterwards a provisional 

government was installed. The 

,. *^_ ° independent action of Sicily 

the Governor ^ j . j- . . ■" 

p, ... aroused great discontent m 

Naples. General Florestan 
Pepe was despatched to Sicily with an 
army, and he soon made himself master of 
the island. But the Crown repudiated the 
treaty concluded by him with the rebels 
on October 5th, and sacrificed Pepe to 
the clamour of the Neapolitan Parliament ; 
the gulf between the two parts of the 
kingdom became wider. Met- 
ternich had been unmoved by 
the tidings of the Spanish 
agitation, but he was only 
the more enraged when he 
heard what had occurred in 
the Two Sicilies. He put all 
blame on the secret societies, 
and praised the good in- 
tentions of Ferdinand's 
" paternal " government. 
The insurrection in Spain 
had made such an impression 
on Alexander that in a cir- 
cular of May 2nd, 1820, he 
invoked the spirit of the 
Holy Alliance, and emphasised 
the danger of illegal constitu- 
tions. Metternich strength- 
ened the Austrian forces in 
Upper Italy, and stated, in a circular to 
the Italian courts, that Austria, by the 
treaties of 18 15, was the appointed guar- 
dian of the peace of Italy, and wished for 
an immediate armed interference in the 
affairs of Naples ; but he encountered 
strong opposition in Paris and in St. 
Petersburg. Alexander, whom Metternich 
actually suspected of Carbonarism, advised 
a conference of sovereigns and Ministers ; 
the conference met on October 20th, 
1820, at Troppau. Alexander brought with 
him Capodistrias, an enemy of Metternich ; 
Francis I. brought Metternich and Gentz ; 
Frederic William III. was accompanied by 
Hardenberg and Count Giinther von Bern- 
storff ; the Count de la Ferronays appeared 
on behalf of Louis XVIII. ; and Lord 
Stewart . represented the faint-hearted 
pjlicy of his brother Castlereagh, which 


After acting as reg-ent for his 
mother, he succeeded to the throne ; 
a rebellion broke out in ISiO, and 
the king agreed to a constitution 
limiting the power of the Crown. 

was condemned by the British nation. It 
was Metternich's primary object that the 
congress should approve the march of an 
Austrian army into Naples, and he induced 
the congress to invite Ferdinand to 
Troppau. Alexander always clung closer 
to the wisdom of Metternich, and the latter 
skilfully used the report of a mutiny among 
the Semenoff guards as an argument to 
overcome the Liberalism of the tsar. 
Alexander saw before his own eyes how 
the Spanish and Italian military revolts 
excited imitation in the Russian army. 
Frederic William was equally conciliatory 
to Metternich, and was more averse than 
ever to granting a constitution on the 
model of Hardenberg's schemes. In the 
protocol of November 19th, Austria, 
Prussia, and Russia came to an agreement, 
behind the back of the two 
Western Powers, as to the 
position which they would 
adopt towards revolutions, 
and as to the maintenance 
of social order ; but France 
and Great Britain rejected the 
idea of changing the principles 
of international law. Fer- 
dinand took fresh oaths to his 
people and set out for Troppau. 
After Christmas the con- 
gress closed at Troppau, but 
was continued in January, 
1821, at Laibach. ^ Most of 
the Italian governments were 
represented. Metternich again 
took over the presidency. 
Ferdinand was at once ready 
to break his word, and 
declared that his concessions were extorted 
from him. The King of France at first 
hesitated. A miracle seemed to have been 
performed on behalf of the French Bour- 
bons : the widow of Berry gave birth, on 
September 29th, 1820, to a son, the Duke 
Henry of Bordeaux, who usually appeared 
later under the name of Count of Cham- 
bord.- The legitimists shouted 
for joy, talked of the miracu- 
lous child who would console 
his mother for the death of 
Hector. " the stem of Jesse when nearly 
withered had put forth a fresh branch." The 
child was baptised with water which Chat- 
eaubriand had drawn from the Jordan. The 
Spanish Bourbons looked askance at the 
b'rth : they were already speculating on the 
f iiture succession to the throne. and the Duke 
of Orleans secretly suggested in the English 

The "Mir'clj 
of the French 


Press suspicious of the legitimacy of the 
child. Louis successively repressed several 
military revolts, but had constantly to 
Scruggle with the claims of the ultras, who 
embittered his reign. Although in his 
heart opposed to it, he nevertheless as- 
sented at Laibach to the programme of 
the Eastern Powers. 

Austria sent an army under 
Frimont over the Po, and 
ujAeld the fundamental idea 
of a constitution for the Two 
Sicilies. Ferdinand agreed to 
everything which Metternich 
arranged. France did not, 
indeed, at first consent to 
that armed interference with 
Spain which Alexander and 
Metternich required. On Feb- 
ruary 26th, 1821, the deli- 
berations of the congress 
terminated. The Neapolitan 
Parliament, it is true, defied 
the threats of the Eastern 
Powers, and declared that 
Ferdinand was their prisoner, 
and that therefore his resolu- 
tions were not voluntary, 
preparations for resistance were so de- 
fective that the Austrians had an easy 
task. The Neapolitan army broke up 
after the defeat of Guglielmo Pepe at Rieti 
on March 7th, 1821, and on March 24th 
Frimont's army marched int( ■ 
Naples with sprigs of olive 111 
their helmets. Pepe fled ti> 
Spain. In Naples the re- 
action perpetrated such ex- 
cesses that the Powers inter- 
vened ; the victims were 
countless, while the Austrians 
maintained order. 

In Piedmont the revolu- 
tion broke out on March 
loth, 1821 ; Charles Albert 
of Carignan did not keep 
aloof from it. The tricolour 
flag, red, white, and green, of 
the Kingdom of Italy was 
hoisted in Alessandria, and a 

arrival, accepted, contrary to his inward 
conviction, the new constitution, and swore 
to it on March 15th. Charles Felix, how- 
ever, considered every administrative 
measure null and void which had not 
emanated from himself. Charles Albert 
was panic-stricken, resigned the regency, 
and left the country. Alex- 
ander and Metternich agreed 
that there was need of armed 
intervention in Piedmont. 
Austria feared also the corrup- 
tion of her Italian provinces, 
and kept a careful watch upon 
those friends of freedom who 
had not yet been arrested. 

At Novara, on April 8th, the 
Imperialists under Marshal 
Bubna, won a victory over 
the Piedmontese insurgents, 
which was no less decisive 
than that of Rieti had been in 
Naples. Piedmont was occu- 
King of Sardinia from 1^ 1 4, he was pied by the imperial army ; the 

a bigoted, narrow-minded ruler. • > • i i ir- j_ 

His retrogressive policy led to a JUUta resigned, and VlCtOF 

rising in 1821 and he abdicated in Emmanuel renewed his abdica- 

favour of his brother Charles Pelix. j. a -i .i -kt- 

tion on April 19th, at Nice. 
Charles Felix then first assumed the royal 
title and decreed a criminal inquiry. On 
October i8th he made his entry into Turin 
amid the mad rejoicings of the infatuated 
mob, suppressed every sort of political 
and ruled in death-like quiet, being 
supported by the bayonets 
of Austria and by the do- 
minion of the Jesuits in 
Church, school, and State. 
The Austrians did not leave 
his country until 1823. ^^ 
May I2th, 1821, a proclama- 
tion issued from Laibach by 
the Eastern Powers announced 
«K9*j3 to the world that they had 
rescued Europe from the 
intended general revolution, 
and that their weapons alone 
served to uphold the cause 
of right and justice. 

Metternich, promoted by 
the emperor to the office of 


But their 


An ambitious general, but fickle 

provisional junta on the t^h'e cfrbona.w 'n triicman ar'myf Chancellor of State, stood at 
Spanish model was assembled, and in 1 820 he assumed supreme the zenith of his success when, 
Turin proclaimed the parlia- ^°'"'' ^' commander-in-chief, on May 5th, 1821, Napoleon I., 
mentary constitution on March nth, and the man who had contested his importance 

the Carbonari seized the power. Victor 
Emmanuel I. abdicated on March 13th in 
favour of his brother Charles Felix. Ckarles 
Albert, a vacillating and untrustworthy 
ruler, who was regent until the latter's 

and had ruled the world far more than Met- 
ternich, died at St. Helena. The black and 
3'ellow flag waved from Milan to Palermo ; 
princes and peoples bowed before it. 
Legitimacy had curbed the revolutionary 



craving, and Italy was further from 
unification than ever. The apostles of 
freedom and unit}^ men like Silvio Pellico, 
disappeared in the dungeons of the 
Spielberg and other fortresses in Austria. 
Russia was now on the most friendly 
terms with Austria. The result was soon 
seen when the monarchs and Adnisters, still 
at Laibach, received tidings 
of disorders in the Danubian 

An Era of 

d A h pi'Jiicipalities and in Greece, and 
^ the tsar, under Metternich's in- 
fluence, repudiated the Greek leader, Ypsi- 
lanti, who had built on the theory that he 
could reckon on the warm support of Russia. 

In Spain the Liberals made shameless 
misuse of their victory, and limited the 
power of the king to such a degree that he 
naturally tried to effect a change. His 
past was a guarantee that Ferdinand VII. 
would not be at a loss for the means to 
his end. He courted the intervention of 
the Continent ; but Louis XVIII. and 
Richelieu preferred neutrality. The ultra- 
Royalists, however , became more and more 
arrogant in France. The Pavilion Marsan 
expelled Richelieu in December, 1821, 
and brought in the Ministry of Vill le ; 
the reaction felt itself fully victorious, and 
the clergy raised their demands. The 
Carbonari was introduced from Italy, 
and secret societies were formed. New 
conspiracies of republican or Napoleonic 
tendency followed, and led to executions. 

The power of the ultras became gradually 
stronger in the struggle ; party feeling 
increased, and even Count Vill ie was not 
royalist enough for the ultras. Ferdi- 
nand VII., on the contrary, favoured the 
Radicals, in order to employ them against 
the Liberals. Riego became President of 
the Cortes of 1822. A coup de main of 
the Guards to recover for Ferdinand the 
absolute power failed in July, 1822, and 
Ferdinand surrendered those who had sacri- 
ficed themselves for him. In the north 
guerrilla bands spread in every direction 
_ . on his behalf; in Seo de Urgel 

e ragic ^ i-egency for him was estab- 

-, ., . lished on August 15th, and an 

Castlereagh „. x j • I j^i 

alliance entered mto with 

France. At the preliminary deliberations 

for the congress intended to be held at 

Verona, Metternich reckoned upon his 

" second self," Castlereagh, now the 

Marquess of Londonderry ; but the latter 

died by his own hand on August 12th, 1822. 

His successor in the Foreign (JiS.ce, George 

Canning, a " Tory from inward conviction, 


a modern statesman from national neces- 
sit}'," broke with the absolutist-reactionary 
principles of the Holy Alliance, and entered 
the path of a national independent policy, 
thus dealing a heavy blow at Metternich 
and Austria. Metternich and Alexander 
stood the more closely side by side. 

The congress of sovereigns and Ministers 
at Verona was certainly the most bril- 
liant since that of Vienna. In October, 
1822, came Alexander, Francis, and Fre- 
deric William ; most of the Italian rulers, 
Metternich, Nesselrode, Pozzo di Borgo, 
Bernstorff, and Hardenberg ; France was 
represented by Chateaubriand, the Duke 
of Laval-Montmorency, Count La Ferro- 
nays, and the Marquis of Caraman ; 
Great Britain by Wellington and Viscount 
Strangford. Entertainments were on as 
magnificent a scale as at Vienna. Metter- 
nich wished to annul the Spanish and 
Portuguese revolution, and with ii the 
extorted constitution ; the Eastern Powers 
and France united for the eventuahty of 
further hostile or revolutionary steps 
being taken by Spain ; Great Britain 
excluded itself from their agreements, 
while Chateaubriand's romanticism in- 
_ , toxicated the tsar. When the 

C/ongress of /^ i < ii i j. 

p Greeks at the congress sought 

y help against the Turks, they were 

coldly refused. On the other 
hand, an understanding was arrived at 
about the gradual evacuation of Pied- 
mont by the Austrians ; the army of 
occupation in the Two Sicilies was reduced ; 
and good advice of every sort was given to 
the Italian princes. The Eastern Powers 
and France saw with indignation that 
Great Britain intended to recognise the 
separation of the South American colonies 
from Spain, and their independence, ac- 
cording to the example given by the 
United States of North America, in March, 
1822. The Congress of Verona ended 
toward the middle of December. 

Chateaubriand, now French Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, urged a rupture with 
Spain, at which Louis and Vill le still 
hesitated. The thr-eatening notes of the 
Powers at the Verona congress roused a 
storm of passion in Madrid, while the 
dijjlomatists in Verona had set themselves 
the question whether nations might put 
kings on their trial, as Dante does in his 
Divine Comedy, and whether the tragedy 
of Louis XVI. should be repeated with 
another background in the case of Ferdi- 
nand VII. The Spanish nation revolted 


against the arrogance ot foreign interference. 
The rupture was made ; the ambassadors 
of Russia, Austria, Prussia, and France 
left Spain in January, 1823. The adven- 
turous George Bessie res venKu-ed on an 
expedition to Madrid ; but the Spanish 
hope of British help against France, 
which was intended to carry 
out the armed interference, 
was not fulfilled. 

Louis XVIII. placed his 
ne])hew, Duke Louis of 
Angouleme, at the head of 
an army of 100,000 men. 
which was to free Ferdinand 
from the power of the 
Liberals and put him ance 
again in possession of 
despotic power. In the 
Chamber at Paris the 
Liberals, indeed, loudly de- 
cried the war, and trembled 
at the suppression of the 


professions. He was accorded a state 
reception by Angouleme on October ist, 
and was proclaimed as absolute monarch 
by a large party among the Spaniards. 
But hardly was he free before the perjurer 
began the wildest reaction. Many members 
of the Cortes and the regency fled to 
England to escape the 
gallows, and Ferdinand 
exclaimed: " The wretches 
do well to fly from their 
fate ! " The Powers of 
Europe viewed his action 
with horror. Angouleme, 
whose warnings had been, 
scattered to the winds, left 
Madrid in disgust on Nov- 
ember 4th. Riego was 
hanged at Madrid on 
November 7th, 1823 ; on 
the 13th Ferdinand returned 
ti^iumphant, only to reign 
as detestably as before. 

Spanish revolution, although This eminent French writer and poii- Talleyrand called the war 

Canning openly desired the ^^^^^ l.lTuu^ahl-u'utZ^^^^^^^^ of intervention the begin- 

victory of the Spanish a vicomte, and for two years repre- iiing of the end ; the rcsult of 

people. Ferdinand and the ^""'"'^ ^''""^^ ^' '^^ ^"''''^ ^°"'-^- it was that Spain floundered 

Cortes went to Seville. Angouleme crossed 
the frontier stream, the Bidassoa, on April 
7th, and found no traces of a popular rising ; 
nevertheless, he advanced, without any 
opposition, was hailed as a saviour, and 
entered Madrid on May 24th. He appointed 
a temporary regency, and in 
order not to hurt the national 
pride, avoided any inter- 
ference in internal affairs, 
although the reactionary zeal 
of the regency caused him 
much uneasiness, and only re- 
tained the supreme military 
command. But the Cortes in 
Seville relieved the king of the 
conduct of affairs and carried 
him off to Cadiz. Victory 
followed the French flag. 
The Spaniards lost heart, and 
were defeated or capitulated 

further into the mire. The ultras tormented 
the country and Ferdinand himself to 
such a degree that he began to weary of 
them. The colonies in South America 
were irretrievably lost ; all the subtleties 
of the congress at Verona and of Chateau- 
briand could not change that 
fact. At Canning's proposal 
the British Government, on 
January ist, 1825, recognised 
the independence of the new 
repubhcs of Buenos Ayres, 
Colombia, and Mexico. "This 
was a fresh victory over the 
principle of legitimacy, which 
had been always emphasised by 
Austria, Spain, and France, as 
well as by Russia and Prussia. 
The Spanish insurrection 
naturally affected the neigh- 
bouring country of Portugal. 

Angouleme made forced dona maria 11. da gloria The September Constitution 
marches to Cadiz, and on the Joun^^d^by Ped^o'Yv'^'orB^azfr ^^ ^^^o, far from improving 
night of August 31st stormed in favour of his daughter, but when matters there, had actuallv 
Fort Trocadero, which was Sng in'^if^^he°rSnf d V"her introduced new difficulties, 
considered impregnable. An father, and was restored in 1834, ConstitutionaHsts and abso- 
expedition of Riego to the Isla de Leon lutists were quarrelling violently with each 

ended in his arrest, and on September 28th 
the Cortes, in consequence of the bombard- 
ment of Cadiz, abandoned their resistance. 
Ferdinand VII. voluntarily promised a 
complete amnesty and made extensive 

other. Dom Pedro, son of John VI., who 
had been appointed regent in Brazil, saw 
himself compelled by a national party, 
which wished to make Brazil an indepen- 
dent empire, to send away the Portuguese 



ti'oops. He assumed in May, 1822, the 
t'tle of permanent protector of Brazil, 
and convened a national assembly at 
Rio de Janeiro, which on August ist and 
on September 7th announced the inde- 
pendence of Brazil, and proclaimed him, 
on October 12th, 1822, Emperor of Brazil, 
under the title of Dom Pedro I. The 
Portuguese were furious, but were never 
able to reconquer Brazil. 

Queen Charlotte, wife of John and 
sister of Ferdinand VII., a proud and 
artful woman, refused to take the oath to 
the Portuguese constitution, to which John 
swore, and, being banished, conspired 
with her younger son, Dom Miguef, the 
clergy, and many nobles, to restore the 
absolute monarchy. A counter re- 
volution in February, 1823, 
failed, it is true, but Dom 
Miguel put himself at its head, 
and Lisbon joined his cause. 
The weak John sanctioned 
this, and cursed the consti- 
tution ; the Cortes were 
dissolved. John promised a 
new constitution, and trium- 
phantly entered Lisbon with 
his son on June 5th. Por- 
tugal was brought back to 
absolutism. John was a mere 
cipher ; but Miguel and Char 
lotte ruled, and did 

on March loth, 1826, reigned for a short 
period over his native country as Pedro IV. 
Then, on May 2nd, Pedro renounced the 
crown of Portugal in favour of his daugh- 
ter,- Dona Maria II. da Gloria. On June 
25th, 1828, Dom Miguel proclaimed him- 
self king, favoured by the British Tory 
Cabinet of Wellington. His niece, Maria da 
Gloria, was forced to return to her father 
in Brazil. 

The victory of Trocadero, which was 
audaciously compared by the French 
ultras to Marengo and Austerlitz, was of 
extraordinary advantage to the Govern- 
ment of Louis XVm. " It was not 
merely under Napoleon that victories were 
won ; the restored Bourbons knew this 
and the "hero of Trocadero" 
was hailed as their "cham- 
pion " by the king on 
December 2nd, 1823. The 
elections to the Chambers of 
1824 were favourable to them ; 
and a law in June of the same 
year prolonged the existence 
of the Second Chamber to 
seven years, which might 
seem some check on change 
and innovation. VilLle 
stood firm at the helm, 
o V e«- 1 h r e w Chateaubriand, 



rie became regent of Portugal on and guidcd Baron DamaS, 

not ^^^*'^ °f ,•?'- "'«« ^^'J?;: ^"?f his successor at the 

being- ambitious, proclaimed hiraself ^^^k.^^^^^,. vj... m^ 

shrink even from the king, when Maria recovered the FoiTigu Office. But Chateau- 
murder of opponents. Miguel crown, Miguel withdrew to Italy. ^^-^^^ rcvengcd himself by 

h. aded a new revolt against his father 
on April 30th, 1824, in order to depose him. 
But John made his escape on May gth 
to a British man-of-war. The diplomatic 
body took his side, and at the same time 
liie pressure brought to bear by the British 
Government compelled Miguel to throw 
himself at his father's feet and to leave 
Portugal on May 13th. An amnesty v/as 
proi-laimed. The return of the old Cortes 
vv.iich had sat before 1822 was promised, 
and by British mediation the Treaty of Rio 
was signed on August 2C)th, 1825, in which 
the independence and self-government of 
Brazil were recognised. On April 26th, 
1826, Portugal received a Liberal Constitu- 
tion by the instrumentality of Dom Pedro 
I. of Brazil, who after his father's death, 

the most bitter attacks in the Press. 
Louis thereupon, at the advice of Villele, 
revived the censorship on political journals 
and newspapers, August i6th, 1824. The 
much-tried man was nearing his end. He 
warned his brother to uphold the Charta 
loyally, the best inheritance which he 
bequeathed ; if he did so, he too would 
die in the palace of his ancestors. 

Louis XVIII. died on September i6th, 
1824. France hailed Monsieur as 
Charles X., with the old cry, " Le roi est 
mort, vive le roi." But Talleyrand had fore- 
bodings that the kingdom of Charles would 
soon decay ; and, with his usual coarseness 
of sentiment, he said over the corpse of 
Louis: "I smell corruption here!" 

Arthur Kleinschmidt 

^ '^ liliiillitli III '"ill iiii 













"\Y7E have seen that the Tsar Alexander I., 
^ when he ascended the throne of Russia, 
was full of liberal ideas. If he wavered 
between antagonism to Napoleon and 
alliance with him, it was, in part at least, 
because Napoleon's own career bore a 
double aspect ; if he was an aggressive 
CQnqueror who sought to impose his own 
will on Europe regardless of international 
law, he was also the incarnation of anti- 
feudalism. It was not until after the 
Congress of Vienna and the Peace of Paris 
that the change came over the tsar 
which made him a force in Europe hardly 
less reactionary than Metternich himself. 
But it is with his domestic policy, his 
policy within the borders of his own 
empire, that we are here concerned ; his 
foreign policy has already appropriated a 
conspicuous share of earlier chapters. 
On his accession, then, he 
reigned in a liberal spirit, and 

The Tsar's 
Desire for 

surrounded himself with men of 
the same views ; among them 
his Secretary of State, Michael Speranskij, 
was conspicuous. Magnanimous plans 
were proposed, and the emperor himself 
spoke of the buiden of an absolute 
monarchy. There was a wish to introduce 
reforms on the English model, or, as Sper- 
anskij suggested, an imitation of the 
French Constitution. People talked, as 
Catharine had once done, of " the rights of 
the subjects, and the duty of the Govern- 
ment," and of the abolition of serfdom ; 
and a sum of a million roubles yearly 
was laid aside in order to buy estates 
with serfs for the Crown. 

The German nobility of Esthonia, Cour- 
land, and Livonia took the first step by 
the emancipation of the Lettic and 
Esthonian serfs. The coercive measures 
were repealed, the frontier opened, the 
" Secret Chancery " as well as corporal 
punishment for nobles, citizens, priests, and 

church officials abolished. Schools and 

universities were founded, and the empire 

was divided into six educational districts. 

In place of the old boards dating from the 

days of Peter, real Ministries and a Council 

of State were created for the first time. 

Alexander thus reigned "according to the 

principles and after the heart of Catharine " 

.,, , , until 1812, when he suddenly 

Attempt to 1 J 1, • 'Ti 

„ , ^. changed his Views. Ihe ene- 

Kestorc the • r x j j^i /^t_ i 

rkij i% J mies 01 freedom, the Church 

Old Order . . i_ ■ i_ j 
once more at their head, 

strained every nerve to overthrow Sper- 
anskij, and restore the old order of things. 
Even the great historian, Nikolaj Karam- 
sin, recommended serfdom and autocracy 
in his memoir on " Ancient and Modern 
Russia." Others also recommended the 
same policy. Speranskij was overthrown 
from a " wounded feeling of disappointed 
inclination " ; Count Alexej Araktshejev, 
an apostle of slavery, as an all-powerful 
favourite, guided the affairs of government. 

Alexander did, indeed, make the attempt, 
to which he had always been attracted, of 
giving his reconstructed Poland a constitu- 
tion ; but Poland was incapable of working 
a constitution. Another of bis experiments 
was that of establishing military/ colonies 
all over the empire. The theory was that 
the soldiery, planted on the soil, would 
maintain themselves by agriculture, and 
would at the same time provide centres 
_ for recruiting and for military 

ew o.m ^j.j^jj^jj^„ jgg practical effect. 

Of Russian , '^ 1.1 i- 

^ . however, was merely the appli- 

cation of a new form of oppres- 
sion to the already sufficiently oppressed 
peasantry. The latter years of Alexander's 
life were embittered by a sense of the 
ingratitude of mankind. Conscious of his 
own high purposes, he found his own 
people, instead of recognising their nobility, 
still murmuring and discontented, infected 
even by the mutinous spirit of the Latin 



peoples. He expressed repeatedly a 
desire to abdicate, and when he died at 
Taganrog in December, 1825, it was with 
no reluctance that he escaped from the 
cares of sovereignty. 

He left no children. Constantine, as 
the elder of his brothers, would have had 
the next claim to the throne had he not 
formally renounced it in 1820 
and 1822, in order to be able 
to marry a Polish countess, 
Johanna Grudzinska. The 
idea that his brother Nicholas 
had learnt nothing of this 
before the memorable Decem- 
ber days of the year 1825 is no 
longer tenable. The homage 
paid by the younger brother 
to Constantine, who was stay- 
ing in Warsaw, was a rash act 
chiefly due to Count Milorado- 
vitch, the miUtary Governor- 
General of St. Petersburg at 
that time, and it cost trouble 

attention was given to the publication of 
the legal code. His government aimed 
at " stopping the rotation of the earth," 
as Lamartine aptly puts it. He recognised 
no peoples or nations, only cabinets and 
states. The Press was therefore once more 
gagged, printing-offices were watched and 
schools were placed under strict super- 
vision. The Government's 
mistrust of education was so 
great that all lecture courses 
on philosophy were entrusted 
to the clergy. Even the Church 
was watched, and the em- 
peror's adjutant, Protassov, 
a general of hussars, was 
attached to the Holy. Synod 
as Procurator-General, and 
i for twenty years conducted 
! the business of the Church 
i on a military system. But 
the movement towards ci\dlisa- 
tion and hberty did not "f^ul 
to have some influence even 

noble contest of magnanimity between the 
two brothers. But the idea of freedom had 
already struck root so deeply under Alex- 
ander I. that the supporters of a constitu- 
tion, who had been secretly organised since 
1816, especially in the corps of officers, 
wished to use the opportunity of placing 
the liberal-minded Constantine on the 
throne. The rumour was spread 
that Constantine's renunciation 

Crushed by 
Nicholas I. 


enough to cancel it in the davs The son of Paul i., he succeeded on this iron despot, for he 
between December 9th and S l-rf/orerliexk^defi.'^He advocated throughout his 
24th, 1825. There is accord- aimed at absolute despotism but whole Hfc the abohtion of 
ingly no need to suppose a «'°" ^^^ affection of his subjects, serfdom, and allowed even the 

peasants to acquire property. Such was 
the autocrat whose iron hand was to rule 
Russia for thirty years after his accession. 
In taking up the thread of the history 
of the Ottoman Empire, we must note 
certain events in the Napoleonic period 
which have hitherto passed unrecorded, 
as standing outside the general course of 
our account of Europe. The movement, 
which has by degrees turned one after 
another of the provinces into practically 
if not completely independent states, was 
initiated in 1804 ^Y ^ Servian revolt, 
caused by the violent methods of the 
Turkish Janissaries, and headed by George 
Petrovitch, otherwise known as Czerney, or 
Karageorge. The insurrection broke out 
locally at Sibnitza, Deligrad, Stalatz, and 
Nish. Before long, Russian influence 

^. ^ . brought to its support the 
The Turks <- i-tt j • 1 

D f tab ^^"^^^ Hospodars, or provmcial 
iK^ S^ \ ^ administrators of Moldavia and 
Wallachia, Constantine Murusiv 
and Constantine Ypsilanti. The flame 
spread, and in 1806 and 1807 the Serbs 
inflicted defeats on the Turks at Shabatz 
and Ushitze, imder the command of Milos 
Obrenovitch, captured Belgrade, and estab- 
lished the popular assembly, or Skuptskina. 
Shortly before this, however, the Sultan 
Selim had set himself to overthrow the 

was only fictitious ; that he was 
being kept a prisoner at Warsaw. 
The troops shouted : " Long live Constan- 
tine!" and when the cry "Long live the 
Constitution ! " mingled with it, the 
troops thought that it. was the name of 
the wife of Constantine. 

Nicholas L crushed the rebellion on 
December 26th, 1825, with great firmness. 
Several " Decabrists " were executed and 
many exiled. Possibl}- that was one of 
the reasons why Nicholas was throughout 
his whole reign a sworn enemy of popular 
liberty. A man of iron strength of character 
and energy, he was, with his immense 
stature and commanding presence, the 
personification of absolutism. But he 
was fully alive to the duties and respon- 
sibilities which his great position threw 
upon him, and he devoted all his powers 
to the affairs of the country. His first 



of the 
New Sultan 

dangerous power of the Janissaries by 
means of a reorganisation of the army, 
" Nisan Jedid." A further movement in 
the same diiection in 1807 brought 
disaster. The Janissaries rose ; Sehm was 
deposed and murdered. The outcome of 
a brief and bloody period of struggle was 
that the one surviving prince of the royal 
family, Mahmud, found himself placed on 
the throne, and, to all intents and pur- 
poses, in the hands of the Janissaries, who 
had proved themselves to be the masters 
of the situation. Hence the first act of 

Mahnmd was to recognise these 

praetorians in a solemn Hatti- 

sherif, issued on November i8th, 

as the firmest support of the 
throne. The army and the population 
greeted the one surviving descendant 
of the Ottoman house with enthusiasm, 
and the " Chok yasha Sultan Mahmud!" 
resounded from thousands of throats in the 
mosques and on the public squares. The 
Ottoman dynasty had been saved as by a 
miracle. The sultan, who was then twenty- 
three years of age, was confronted by two 
dangerous opponents, the Serbs and Rus- 
sians. The latter were supporting the 
Serbs and also the Montenegrins against 
the Turks and the French in Dalmatia. 
However, the war upon the Danube was 
continued with - ^ - 

no great vigour. 
It was not until 
the Peace of 
of September 
17th, 1809, when 
Russia acquired 
Finland from 
Sweden and 
secured a guaran- 
tee from Napo- 
leon that the 

Polish kingdom ^^^ -.?«^^^^»aiBa«K- 

should not be ^^^^^^^^^^^/Bii 

restored that ^-Hg- sultans selim hi. and mahmud 

the lurkish War Sultan of Turkey, Selim HI. made an effort to overthrow the 

affain took a ^^^n&erous power of the Janissaries, but the attempt ended in 

° . disaster, Sehm being: deposed and assassinated in 1808. He was suc- 

promment place ceeded on the throne by Mahmud IL, during whose reign Greece estab- mOSt 

in R 11 «;';i a n I'^^ed its independence. Mahmud suppressed the Janissary troops. 

policy. In 1810 Prince Bagration was 
replaced by Count Kamenskii as supreme 
commander over 80,000 men. He im- 
mediately crossed the Danube, and on 
June 3rd captured Bazarjik, which was 
followed by the conquest of Silistria, 
Sistova, Rustchuk, Giurgevo, and Nico- 
polis. The fear of Napoleon and of a 

Polish rising prevented further enterpiise. 
After the death of Kamenskii, Kutusorf, 
who was sixty-five years of age, utterlj; 
defeated the Turks on October T2th, 1811, 
at Slobodse and Rustchuk. This victory 
decided the war. The British fleet made 
a demonstration before the Dardanelles to 
prevent the sultan agreeing to the Conti- 
nental embargo of Napoleon. 

The Peace of Bucharest, May 12th, 1812, 
reconfirmed the conventions of Kiitchuk- 
Kainarje and Jassy, ceded Bessarabia to 
Russia, and gave the Serbs an amnesty, 
greater independence, and an extension 
of territory. The brothers Murusi, the 
sultan's Phanariot negotiators, were ex- 
ecuted upon their return home on 
account of the extravagance of the 
concessions made by them to the tsar. 

The Russians had secured an influence 
in Servia, which Austria had obstinately 
disdained. When, however, in May, 1813, 
the Russians appeared on the Oder and 
Elbe the Turkish army again advanced 
into Servia ; George Petrovitch fled to 
Russia by way of Austria. The Ottomans 
exacted a bitter vengeance upon the coun- 
try, but on Palm Sunday, April nth, 
1815, Milos Obrenovitch appeared with 
the ancient banner of the voivodes. The 
people as a whole flocked to the standard, 
- and the Turks 
were left in pos- 
session only of 
their fortresses. 
On November 
6th, 1817, Milos 
was recognised 
by the bishop, 
the .Kneses and 
people as voi- 
vode ; while 
Karageorge, who 
had returned to 
the country to 
ally himself with 
the Greek 
H e t ffi r i a, was 
murdered. Al- 
c on tem- 
porary with the 
Society of the Philomusoi, which was 
founded in Athens in 1812, arose in Greece 
the secret confraternity of the " philiki," 
whose energies after some years brought 
about the open struggle for freedom. Three 
young Greeks— Skuphas of Arta, Tzaka- 
loph of Janina, and Anagnostopulos of 
Andritzena — founded the new Hetccria at 



Odessa in 1814, and swore " to arrive at 
a decision between themselves and the 
enemies of their country only by means of 
fire and sword." Oaths of appalling solem- 
nity united this growing band of comrades. 
It aimed at complete separation from 
Turkey, and the revival of the old Bj'zan- 
tine Empire. This yearning for liberation 
I proceeded from and was sus- 

„ . * - tained by an intellectual renas- 
Th G k ^^'^ce of the nation, rrom the 
time of the conquest of Byzan- 
tium by the Turks the Greeks had been 
deprived of all political freedom. But under 
the ecclesiastical protection of their patri- 
arch in Phanar and in monasteries, at 
Athos and Janina in Epirus. and in the 
theological school of the Peloponnese at 
Dimitzana, the spark of culture and 
freedom had glowed amongst the ashes, 
and was kept alive in the language of the 
Church and the Gospel. 

As was the case with the Armenians and 
the Jews, superior intelligence and dexter- 
ity secured the highest positions for the 
Greeks in the immediate proximity of 
the Padishah. After the position of first 
interpreter of the Porte had fallen into 
their hands, at the end of the seventeenth 
century, all negotiations concerning foreign 
policy were carried on through them ; they 
were preferred for ambassadorial posts in 
foreign courts, and from the eighteenth 
century the Porte made a practice of 
choosing from their numbers the hospodars 
of Molda\da and Wallachia. 

The opinion of an English diplomatist 
upon these " Phanariots," shortly before 
the outbreak of the Greek Revolution, is 
well known : " Under the oppression 
exercised b\' Turkish despotism with a 
daily increasing force, the Greek character 
acquired a readiness for subterfuge and a 
perversity of judgment on questions of 
morality, which a continuance of servitude 
gradually developed to an habitual double 
dealing and treachery, which strikes 
Q^ the foreigner from the first 

r c e c c nioment ." However, the Greeks 

Devastated i i i • i ^ t-. • 

„ „ • looked anxiously to Russian 
oy Jcynemies , i i-, 

champions and liberators, not- 
withstanding all the apparent privileges 
received from the Porte, from the time of 
the Peace of Posharevatz, when the whole 
of Morea fell into the possession of the 
Turks. In the devastation which Russia's 
attempt to liberate the Morea had brought 
down upon Greece in 1770, when Hellas 
and Peloponnese suffered inhuman devas- 


tation from the Albanians whom the Turks 
called in, Athens and the islands had been 
spared ; in 1779 the Turks found them- 
selves obliged to send Hasan Pasha to 
destroy the unbridled Albanians at Tripo- 
litsa. In the Peace of Kiitchuk-Kainarje 
in 1774, Russia had again been obliged to 
abandon the Greeks to the Ottomans, 
though the Turkish yoke became lighter 
as the power of the Porte grew feebler. 

The Hellenes enriched themselves by 
means of commerce ; the sails of the 
merchantmen sent out by the islands 
covered the Mediterranean. During the 
French Revolution almost the entire 
Levant trade of the Venetians and the 
French fell into their hands. The number 
of Greek sailors was estimated at ten 
thousand. In their struggles with the 
pirates their ships had always sailed pre- 
pared for war, and they had produced a 
race of warriors stout-hearted and capable, 
like the Armatoles, who served in the 
armies of Europe. In the mountain 
ranges of Mania, of Albania, and Thessaly 
still survived the independent spirit of the 
wandering shepherds, or " klephts," who 
_ had never bowed to the Otto- 

-..^ ^^ , man sword. The children of the 
p . rich merchants who traded with 

the coasts of Europe studied 
in Western schools, and readily absorbed 
the free ideals of the American Union and 
the French Revolution. In the year 1796, 
Constantine Rhigas of Pherae sketched in 
Vienna a plan for the rising of his nation, 
and secured an enthusiastic support for 
his aims, which he sang in fiery ballads. 

When he was planning to enter into 
relations with Bonaparte, whom he re- 
garded as the hero of freedom, he was 
arrested in Trieste in 1798, and handed 
over by the Austrian police, with five of his 
companions, to the Pasha of Belgrade, 
who executed him. He died the death of a 
hero, with the words: " I have sown the 
seed, and my nation will reap the sweet 
fruit." Adamantios Korais, 1748-1833, 
of Smyrna was working in Paris, together 
with his associates, before the fall of 
Napoleon, to bring about the intellectual 
renascence of the Greeks, the " Palin- 
genesia." The only thing wanting to these 
associations was a leader, as was also the 
case with the Serbs. 

This leader was eventually provided by 
Russia. Alexander Ypsilanti, born of a 
noble Phanariot family, was a grandson of 
the hospodar of Wallachia of the same 


name who had been murdered by the 
Turks in 1805 at the age of eighty ; he was 
a son of that Constantine Ypsilanti who, 
having supported the Servian insurrection, 
had been deposed from the post of hospodar 
of Wallachia, and had fled into exile. As 
the tsar's adjutant during the Vienna 
Congress, he had inspired that monarch 
with enthusiasm for the Hetsria. 

Relying upon the silent consent of his 
master, he went to Kishinefl[, in Bessarabia, 
in September, 1820, with the object of 
communicating with the leaders of the 
federation in the Danubian principalities, 
in Constantinople, and upon the mainland. 
Availing himself of the difficulties caused 
to the Porte by the revolt of Ali Pasha 
of Janina, Alexander Ypsilanti, accom- 
panied by his brother Constantine and. 
Prince Cantakuzenos, crossed the Pruth 
on March 6th, 1821, entered Jassy, sent 
a report on the same night to the tsar, 
who was awaiting the result of the con- 
gress at Laibach, and forthwith issued 
an appeal to the Greek nation. On 
March 12th he started for Wallachia ; 
not until April Qth did he reach Bucharest 

« ,. ^ with =^,000 men. But from 

now the Tsar -i , . ,, . 

jj . . that moment the movement 

Th^^G* k proved unfortunate. The 
tsar, whose hands were tied 
by the Holy Alliance and the influence 
of legitimist theories, declared the Greeks 
to be rebels, and the Russian consul in 
Jassy openly disapproved of the Phanariot 
enterprise. It now became manifest how 
feeble was the popularity 01 these leaders on 
the Danube. They were opposed by the 
Boyars, the peasants fell away from them, 
the Serbs held back, and treachery reigned 
in their own camp. To no purpose did the 
" Sacred Band " display its heroism at 
Dragashani, in Little Wallachia, on June 
19th, 1821, against the superior forces of 
the Pasha of Silistria and Braila. 

On June 26th, Ypsilanti escaped to 
Austrian territory, where he spent the 
best years of his life at Munkacs and 
Theresienstadt in sorrowfiil imprisonment ; 
his health broke down, and he died shortly 
after his liberation on January 31st, 1828. 
The last of the ill-fated band of heroes, 
Georgakis, the son of Nikolaos, blew 
himself up on September 20th, in the 
monastery of Sekko, Moldavia. The 
fantastic ideal of a greater Greece, em- 
bracing not only the classic Hellas, but 
also the Danube states of Byzantine 
Greece, thus disappeared for ever. The 

Morea was already m full revolt against 
the Turks. On April 4th, 1821, the 
insurgents took Kalamate, the capital of 
Messenia, and Patras raised the flag of the 
Cross. The fare of revolt spread on every 
side, and destruction raged among the 
Moslems. The insurrection was led by 
the national hero, Theodore Kolokotroni, 
J . , _ a bold adventurer and able 
A *^ ^t th'"^ general, though his followers 
C h*'" ■ ^ often did not obey their head ; 
and the fleet of the islands did 
excellent service. The successes of the 
Greeks aroused boundless fury in Constanti- 
nople. Intense religious hatred was kindled 
in the Divan, and at the feast of Easter, 
April 22nd, the Patriarch Gregory of 
Constantinople and three metropolitans 
were hanged to the doors of their churches. 
In Constantinople and Asia Minor, in the 
Morea, and on the islands, Islam wreaked 
its fury on the Christians. 

Enthusiasm for the Greek cause spread 
throughout the whole of Europe. The 
noblest minds championed the cause of the 
warriors, who were inspired by their noble 
past with the pride of an indestructible 
nationality, and were defending the Cross 
against the Crescent. Since the occupation 
of Athens by the Venetians in 1688, the 
eyes of educated Europe had turned to the 
city of Athene. The Venetian engineers, 
Vermada and Felice, had then drawn up 
an accurate plan of the Acropolis and of 
the town, which was published by Fran- 
cesco Fanelli in his " Atene Attica," 1707. 

Du Cange wrote his " History of the 
Empire of Constantinople under the 
Prankish Emperors " in 1657, and in 1680 
his " Historia Byzantina." Since the 
days of George, Duke of Buckingham, 
1592-1628, and Thomas, Earl of Arundel, 
1586-1646, a taste for the collection of 
examples of Greek art had been increas- 
ing in England. Wealthy peers sent 
their agents to Greece and the East, 
or journeyed thither themselves, as did 
Lord Claremont, who corn- 
Greek Art j-nisgioned Richard Dalton to 

J* . . make sketches of the Greek 
Fashion . , , c . • 

monuments and works of art m 

1749. James Stewart and Nicholas Revett 
published sketches of " The Antiquities of 
Athens " in 1751. In 1776 appeared 
Richard Chandler's " Travels in Greece." 
In 1734 the Society of Dilettanti had been 
founded in London with avowedly Phil- 
hellenic objects. In 1764 appeared Winc- 
kelmann's " History of Ancient Art," and 



Inspired by 
Greek Songs 

in 1787 Edward Gibbon completed his 
" Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire." 
From 1812 onwards Beethoven's opera, 
" The Ruins of Athens," had aroused tears 
and sympathy in every feeling heart. 
Numberless memories and recollections 
now carried away the sympathies of 
Europe, which had only just shaken off 
the yoke of the Corsican con- 
queror. In 1821 Philhellenic 
unions were formed upon all 
sides to support the "heroes of 
Marathon and Salamis " with money and 
arms. The banker, Eynard of Geneva, the 
Wiirtemberg General Norman, the French- 
man Comte Harcourt, the United States, 
England, King Lewis I. of Bavaria, an 
artistic enthusiast, and the painter Hei- 
degger sent money, arms, and ships, or 
volunteer bands. The populations of Europe 
were inspired by the Greek songs of Wilhelm 
Miiller and the verses of Lord Byron 
" The mountains look on Marathon, and 
Marathon looks on the sea," and later by 
his heroic death, April 19th, 1824, at 
Missolonghi. Even Goethe, the prince of 
poets, with all his indifference to politics, 
was fascinated by the fervour of the Greek 
and Servian popular songs, and cast his 
mighty word into the scale of humanity. 

The Russian people had felt ever since 
the beginning of the Hellenic war of in- 
dependence the warmest sympathy for 
their oppressed brethren, and after the 
horrors of April 22nd the Government 
could no longer resist the exasperation felt 
against the Turks ; a storm of indignation 
swept through the civilised world. 

The Russian ambassador, Baron Stroga- 
noff, a Philhellene, spoke vigorously for 
the Christians, and suspended relations 
with the Porte in June ; and Capodistrias 
announced to the world, in his Note of 
June 28th, an ultimatum to Turkey that 
the Turks were no longer entitled to re- 
main in Europe. A mood very unpleasing 
to Metternich had come over the fickle 

». .. .1 tsar ; the Cabinets of Vienna 
Metternich j Ci. t -ii. x • l 

. and St. James saw with astonish- 

p. . J r-. ment that Stroganoff left Con- 
stantinople in August. Metter- 
nich once more laid stress on the fact 
that the triumph of the Greek revolution 
was a defeat of the Crown, while Capodi- 
strias was for the support of the Greeks 
and for war against Turkey. The Porte, 
well aware of the discord of the Euro- 
pean Cabinets, showed little wilUngness 
to give way and agree to their demands. 


Kolokotroni had invested the Arcadian 
fortress of Tripohtza since the end of 
April, 182 1. AH Turkish attempts to 
relieve the garrison proved futile, while 
the militia had been drilled into efficient 
soldiers, and on October 5th, 1821, Tri- 
pohtza fell. The Greeks perpetrated gross 
barbarities. Demetrius Ypsilanti, Alexan- 
der's brother, who also had hitherto 
served in Russia, had been " Archistra- 
tegos " since June of that year ; but he 
possessed little reputation and could not 
prevent outrages. The continued quarrels 
and jealousy between the leaders of the 
soldiers and of the civilians crippled the 
power of the insurgents. Alexander Mav- 
rogordato, a man of far-reaching imagina- 
tion, undertook, together with Theodore 
Negri, the task of giving Hellas a fixed polit- 
ical system. In November, 1821, Western 
and Eastern Hellas, and in December the 
Morea, received constitutions. 

The National Assembly summoned by 
Demetrius Ypsilanti to Argos was trans- 
ferred to Piadlia, near the old Epi- 
dauros, and proclaimed on January 13th, 
1822, the independence of the Hellenic 
. nation and a provisional con- 

srat""!? stitution, which prepared the 
P^^ ground for a monarch3^ While 

it broke with the Hetaeria, it ap- 
pointed Mavrogordato as Proedros (presi- 
dent) of the executive council to be at the 
head of affairs, and in an edict of January 
27th it justified the Greek insurrection in 
the eyes of Europe. Corinth became the 
seat of government. But the old discord, 
selfishness, and pride of the several leaders 
precluded any prospect of a favourable 
issue to the insurrection. Kurshid Pasha, 
after the fall of Ali Pasha of Janina, 
which freed the Turkish army of occupation 
in Albania, subjugated the Suliotes. 

As a result of the objectless instiga- 
tion of Chios to revolt, a fleet landed 
in April under Kara Ali, and the island 
was barbarously chastised. Indignation 
at the Turkish misrule once more filled 
the European nations, and they hailed 
with joy the annihilation of Kara All's 
fleet by Andreas Miaouli and Constantine 
Kanari on June igth. In July a large 
Turkish army under Mahmud Dramali 
overran Greece from Phocis to Attica and 
Argos. The Greek Government fled from 
Corinth. In spite of all the courage of 
Mavrogordato and General Count Nor- 
mann-Ehrenfels, famous for the attack 
on Kitzen, Suli was lost, owing to the 


defeat at Peta on July 16-17, and Western 
Hellas was again threatened. The bold 
Markos Botzaris lell on August 21st, 1823, 
with his Suliotes, in the course of a sortie 
against the besiegers of Missolonghi. 

In his necessity the sultan now sum- 
moned to his aid his most formidable 
vassal, Mehemet Ali of Egypt. He first 
sent his son Ibrahim to Candia for the 
suppression of the revolt, in command of 
his troops, who had been trained by 
French officers. This leader then ap- 
peared in the Morea, February 22nd, 
1825, where the bayonet and his cavalry 
gave him a great superiority over the 
Greeks, who, though brave, were badly 
disciplined and armed. None the less the 
Greeks vigorously pro- 
tested against the protocol 
of peace, which was issued 
by the Powers, of August 
24th, 1824, recommending 
them to submit to the 
Porte and promising the 
sultan's pardon, after 
almost the whole popula- 
tion of the Island of Psara 
had been slaughtered on 
July 4th. Three parties 
were formed amongst the 
Greeks themselves, one 
under Mavrogordato 
leaning upon England, 
that of Capodistrias lean- 
ing upon Russia, and that 
of Kolettis leaning upon 
France. British influence 
prevailed. On December 
2 1st, 1825, the Tsar Alex- 
ander died at Taganrog 

help given to the Greeks at that time by 
Lord Cochrane and General Church, by 
Colonels Fabvier, Vautier, and Heydeck, 
did not stop the Turkish advance. On 
June 5th, 1827, the Acropolis again capitu- 
lated, and with it the whole of Greece was 
Th S *^"^^ again lost to the Hellenes. 

e u an However, a bold attack de- 
Vt -J . livered at a most unexpected 
point shook the throne of the 
sultan. On May 28th, 1826, Mahmud 
II. issued a Hatti-sherif concerning the 
reform of the Janissaries. Upon the 
resistance of these latter they were met 
on the Etmeidan by the well-equipped 
imperial army, supported on this occasion 
by the Ulemas and the people, and were 
mown down with grape- 
shot. The sultan forth- 
with began the formation 
of a new corps upon 
European models. It 
was an event of the most 
far-reaching importance 
for the empire when 
Mahmud first appeared 
at the head of the faithful 
in an overcoat, European 
trousers, boots, and a red 
fez instead of a turban. 
His triumph, however, 
was premature, his army 
was momentarily weak- 
ened, and the reforms 
were not carried out. 
The invader was already 
knocking once again at 

the door of the empire. 

- BYRON AS A GREEK SOLDIER q^ Qctobcr 6th, 1826, his 
The brave figrht for independence made by , • , , • • j 

Greece against the Turks stirred the enthusi- plenipotentiaries Signed 

and the youthful Nicholas h\Z^lg7p^!in7roniJ'Z^^^^^^^ an agreement at Akker- 

I. ascended the throne, on January 4th, 1824, and died on April KHh. niau, agreeing ou ail poiuts 
He quickly suppressed a military revolution to the Russian demands for Servia and the 

in St. Petersburg, and showed his deter- 
mination to break down the influence of 
Metternich. Canning, whose whole sym- 
pathies were with the Greeks, now sent the 
Duke of Wellington to St. Petersburg, and 
on April 4th, 1826, Great Britain and Russia 
signed a protocol, constituting 
Greece, like Servia, a tributary 
vassal state of the Porte, with 
a certain measure of indepen- 
dence. Charles X. of France agreed to 
these proposals, as his admiration had been 
aroused by the heroic defence of Misso- 
longhi, where Byron had fallen. Austria 
alone secretly instigated the sultan to 
suppress the Greek revolt. Even the 

The Heroic 
Death of 
Loi d Byron 

Danubian principalities, but refusing that 
for Greek freedom. In vain did the 
sultan send an ultimatum to the Powers 
on June loth, 1827, representing that 
the right of settling the Greek problem 
was his alone. On April nth, 1827, 
Capodistrias became President of the free 
state of Corfu, under Russian influence, 
and Russia, Britain, and France deter- 
mined to concentrate their fleets in 
Greek waters on July 6th, a month before 
the death of Canning, which filled Greece 
with lamentation. The result of the 
movements was the battle of Navarino, 
October 20th, one of the most murderous 
naval actions in the whole of history ; in 



four hours nearly 120 Turkish warships 
and transports were destroyed. This 
" untoward event," as Welhngton called 
it — to the wrath of all Canningites — 
implied a further triumph for Russian 
policy, which had already acquired Grusia. 
Imeretia — Colchis, iSix, and Gulistan, 
18x3, ill Asia, and had secured its rear 
in Upper Armenia by the acquisition of 
Etchmiadzin, the centre of the Armenian 
Church, in the Peace of Turkmanchai, 
1828. Capodistrias, elected to the presi- 
dency of Greece, entered on that office in 
January. However, the sultan proved 
:n')re obstinate than ever. In a solemn 

Hatti-sherif he proclaimed in all the 
mosques his firm intention to secure his 
independence by war with Russia, 
" which for the last fifty or sixty years 
had been the chief enemy of the Porte." 
He was without competent officers, and his 
chief need was an army, which he had 
intended to create had he been granted 
time. Thus the main power of the Porte, 
as at the present day, consisted in the 
unruly hordes of Asia, whose natural 
impetuosity could not replace the lack of 
European discipline and tactical skill. 
" Pluck up all your courage," Mahmud 
tlicn wrote to liis Grand Yiz'w nt +!:-' 



From the drauiiij^ bv Zu'ei-'le 



The Grand 
Vizir's Army 
n Flight 

military headquarters, " for the danger is 
great." On May 7th the Russians crossed 
the Pruth in Europe, and on June 4th, the 
Arpaichai in Asia. Ivan Paskevitch con- 
quered the district of Kars and Achal- 
zich, between the Upper Kur and Araxes, 
and secured a firm base of operations 
against Erzeroum. The Russians on the 
Danube advanced more slowly. 
It was not until the fall of 
Braila, on June 17th, and of 
Varna, on October nth, 1828, 
that they ventured to attack the natural 
fortress of the Balkans. But the approach 
of winter suspended the indecisive struggle. 
A second campaign was therefore 
necessary to secure, a decision. In Eastern 
Roumelia the Russians seized the harbour 
of Sizebolu. February 15th, 1829, in order 
to. provision their army. On February 
24th, Diebich took over the 
supreme command, crossed 
the Danube in 'Slay, and on 
June nth defeated and put 
to flight, by means of his 
superior artillery, the army of 
the Grand Vizir Reshid 
Mehemed, at Kulevcha. 
Silistria then surrendered, 
June 26th, and in thirteen 
days, July I4th-26th, Diebich 
crossed the Balkans with two 
army corps ; while on July 
7th Paskevitch had occupied 
Erzeroum in Asia. The 
passage of this mountain 


general, on September 14th, offered con- 
ditions sufficiently severe. Before the 
war the tsar had issued a manifesto 
promising to make no conquests. Now, 
in /\ugust, 1828, he demanded possession 
of the Danube islands, of the Asiatic 
coast from Kuban 'to Nikolaja, the 
fortresses and districts of Atzshur, 
Achalzich, and Achalkalaki, with new 
privileges and frontiers for Moldavia, 
Wallachia, and Servia. The sultan, under 
pressure of necessity, confirmed the 
London Convention of July 6th, 182 1, 
in the tenth article of the peace. The 
president, Capodistrias, received new sub- 
sidies, and loans from the Powers; more- 
over, on July 19th, 1828, the Powers in 
London determined upon an expedition 
to the Morea, the conduct of which was 
entrusted to France. Ibrahim retired, 
while General Maison oc- 
cupied the Peninsula, 
September 7th. The Greek 
army, composed of Palikars, 
troops of the line, and 
Philhellenes, was now armed 
with European weapons ; it 
won a series of victories at 
the close of 1828 at 
Steveniko, Martini, Salona, 
Lutraki, and Vonizza, and 
by May, 1829, captured 
Lepanto, Missolonghi, and 
Anatoliko. In 1828 the 
Cretan revolt again broke 
out, with successful results. 

barrier, which was regarded a Russian fieid-marshai, he fought On July 23rd, 1829, the 
as impregnable, produced ifurkfsh^war on,s!" waT^iven thi National Assembly, tired of 

-.' was given the 

an overwhelmmg impression surname of "Sabaikanski," which internal 

„ _ i.i_ TT 1 X signifies "Grosser of the Balkans." , j ^ ji ij. j • 

upon the lurks, many of had repeatedly resulted m 

dissensions, which 

whom regarded the Russian success as sf 
deserved punishment for the sultan's 
reforms. Diebich " Sabaikanski " ad- 
vanced to Adrianople. However, Mustafa, 
Pasha of Bosnia, was already advancing. 
Fearful diseases devastated the Russian 
army, which was reduced to 20,000 men. 
None the less Diebich joined hands with 
Sizebolu on the Black Sea, and with 
Enos on the ^Egean Sea, although the 
British fleet appeared in the Dardanelles 
to protect the capital, from which the . 
Russians were scarce thirty miles distant. 
Both sides were sincerely anxious for 
peace. However, the sultan's courage 
was naturally shaken by the discovery of 
an extensive conspiracy among the old 
orthodox party. The Peace of Adrianople, 
secured by the mediation of the Prussian 


civil war, conferred dictatorial powers 
upon the president. The Peace of 
Adrianople was concluded on September 
14th, 1829 ; this extended Russia's terri- 
tory in Asia, opened the Black Sea to 
Russian trade, and obtained for Greece a 
recognition of its independence from the 
Porte. The Western Powers 
did not at all wish it to become 
a sovereign Power under Rus- 
sian influence, and it was 
finally agreed, on February 3rd, 1830, 
that the independent state should be con- 
fined to as narrow limits as possible, from 
the mouth of the Aspropotamos to the 
mouth of the Spercheias, the Porte 
assenting on April 24th. 

Vladimir Milkowicz 
Heinrich Zimmerer 

of Greece 











'"THE French were the first nation to put 
-■■ an end to the weak policy of the 
Restorations. Their privileged position 
as the " pioneers of civilisation " they 
used with that light-hearted energy and 
vigour by which their national cha acter 
is peculiarly distinguished, while main- 
taining the dexterity and the distinction 
which has invariably marked their public 
action. The cup of the Bourbons was 
full to overflowing. It was not that" their 
powers of administration w^ere in any 
material degree inferior to those of other 
contemporary royal houses ; such a view 
of the situation would be entirely mistaken. 
They were, however, in no direct con- 
nection with their people, and were 
unable to enter into relations with the 
ruling society of Paris. The restored 
emigres, the descendants of the noble 
families of the period of Louis XV. and 
XVL, whose members had lost their lives 
_ . under the kniie of the guillo- 

Of^th ^^^^^ tine, were unable to appreciate 

„ , .. the spirit which animated the 
Revolution ^ ^ 

trance of Aapoleon Bona- 
parte. This spirit, however, had availed 
itself of the interim which had been granted 
definitely to establish its position, and 
had become a social power which could no 
longer be set aside. Family connections in 
a large number of cases, and the ties of 
social intercourse, ever influential in 
France, had brought the Bonapartists into 
direct relations with the army, and with 
the generals and officers of the emperor 
who had been retired on scanty pensions. 
The floating capital, which had grown to 
an enormous extent, was in its hands, and 
was indispensable to th.> Government if it 
was to free itself from the burden of a 
foreign occupation. By the decree of 
April 27th, 1825, the reduced noble 
families whose goods had been confiscated 
by the nation were relieved by the grant 
of ;^40,ooo,ooo. The decree, however, did 
not imply their restoration to the social 
position they had formerly occupied ; the 

emigrant families might be the pensioners 

of the nation, but could no longer be the 

leading figures of a society which thought 

them tiresome and somewhat out of date. 

Louis XVIIL, a well-disposed monarch, 

and not without ability, died on September 

Ch X ^^^^' 1824, and was succeeded 

J,. ■ by his brother Charles X., who 

^r'l? had, as Count of Artois, in- 

Oi I" ranee 1,1 i- r t- 

curred the odmm of every Euro- 
pean court for his obtrusiveness, his 
avowed contempt for the people, and for 
his crotchety and inconsistent character ; 
he now addressed himself with entire 
success to the task of destroying what 
remnants of popularity the Bourbon family 
had retained. He was, however, tolerably 
well received upon his accession. The 
abolition of the censorship of the Press had 
griined him the enthusiastic praise of Victor 
Hugo, but hislibei'al tendencies disappeared 
after a short period. Jesuitical priests 
played upon his weak and conceited mind 
with the object of securing a paramount 
position in France under his protection. 

The French, however, nicknamed him, 
from the words of Beranger, the bold 
song writer, " Charles le Simple " when he 
had himself crowned in Rheims after the 
old Carolingian custom. His persecution 
of the liberal Press increased the influence 
of the journalists. The Chambers showed 
no hesitation in rejecting the law of censor- 
ship introduced by his Minister, Villele. 
When he dissolved them, barricades were 
again raised in Paris and volleys fired upon 
citizens. Villtle could no longer remain at 
the helm. Martignac, the soul of the new 
^Ministry which entered on office 
Z .""T • January 5th, 1828, was a 

Ministry in -' r 1 j ■ 11 

p man of honour, and especially 

adapted to act as mediator. 
His clear intellect raised him a head and 
shoulders above the mass of the Royalists. 
He wished for moderation and progress, 
but he never possessed Charles's affection, 
and was no statesman. Charles opposed 
Martignac's diplomacy with the help ol his 



contidants, Polignac and others ; and 
while Martignac seemed to the king to be 
" too Uttle of a Villele," public opinion 
accused him of being " too much of a 
Vill le." His laws as to elections and the 
Press seemed too liberal to Charles ; his 
interference in the Church and the schools 
roused the fury of the Jesuits ; and the 
Abbe Lamennais, who had been won back 
by them, compared the king with Nero and 
Diocletian. . Lamennais attacked the 
Galilean Church of " atheistic " France, 
called the constitutional monarchy of 
Charles the most abominable despotism 
which had ever burdened humanity, and 
scathingly assailed the ordinances which 

Charles had issued in June, 1828, relating 
to religious brotherhoods and clerical 
education. Martignac's government, he 
said, demoralised society, and the moment 
was near in which the oppressed people 
must have recourse to force, in order to 
rise up. in the name of the infallible Pope 
against the atheistic king. Martignac's 
Cabinet could claim an important foreign 
success when the Marquis de Maison, who 
led an expeditionary corps to the Morea, 
compelled the Egyptians, under Ibrahim 
Pasha, to retreat in August, 1828, and 
thwarted Metternich's plan of a quadruple 
alliance for the forcible pacification of 
Russia and Turkey. But when Martignac 

On the death of Louis XVIII. in lS2t, his brother, Charles X., succeeded to the throne. Prior to that, the direction of 
affairs had been largely in his hands owing to the weakness of the king, and by his obtrusiveness and his avowed 
contempt for the people he had incurred the odium of every European court. Though he was fairly well received upon 
his accession, he quickly alienated the sympathies of his people, and he was compelled to abdicate in 183t). 





The rapidly-growing unpopularity of the French king, Charles X., was shared by the Ministry of Villfele, which was 
defeated at the polls. Martignac, the soul cf the new Ministry, which entered office on January 5th, 18'28, aimed at 
moderation and progress and met with opposition from Charles. When Martignac withdrew, in 1820, his place was 
taken by Polignac, but his position as head of the Bourbon Ministry did not commend itself to the people of France, and 
the revolt against 1;he rule of Charles soon drove that monarch from the throne, thus ending the Bourbon regime. 

wished to decentralise the French admini- commanded him to cut off the head of the 

stration, and brought in Bills for this pur- 
pose in February, 1829, he was deserted 
by everyone. The extreme Right allied 
itself with the Left ; Martignac withdrew 
the proposals in April, and on August 8th, 
1829, Polignac took his place. 

The name of Jules Polignac seemed to 
the country a presage of coups d'etat and 
3nti-constitutional reaction. The new 
Ministry included not a single popular 
representative amongst its members. A 
cry of indignation was heard, and the Press 
made the most violent attacks on the new 
Minister. The Duke of . Broglie placed 
himself at the head of the society formed to 
defend the charter, called " Aide-toi, le ciel 
t'aidera"; republicans, eager for the fray, 
grouped themselves round Louis Blanqui, 
Etienne Arago, and Armand Barbcs. 

The newspaper, " National," began its 
work on behalf of the Orleans family, 
for whom Talleyrand, Thiers, Jacques 
Laffite the banker, and Adelaide, the 
sister of Duke Louis Philippe, cleared 
the road. Even Metternich, Wellington, 
and the Emperor Nicholas advised that no 
coup d'etat should be made against the 
Charta. Charles, however, remained the 
untaught emigrant of Coblenz, and did not 
_. _, understand the new era; he 

The Dreamer ,-i . ■ ^■ . 

Q, . saw. in every constitutionalist 

R»c«^-«f:«« 3- supporter of the revolution- 
Kestor.ation ^'^ ^ , t , • 

ary party and a Jacobin. 

Polignac was the dreamer of the restora- 
tion, a fanatic without any worldly wisdom, 
whom delusions almost removed from the 
world of reality, who considered himself, 
with his limited capacity, to be infallible. 
The Virgin had appeared to him and 

hydra of democracy and infidelity. 

Polignac, originaUy only Minister of 

Foreign Affairs, became on November 

17th, 1829, President of the Cabinet 

Council. In order to gain over the nation, 

. . which was hostile to him, he 

giers in tried to achieve foreign suc- 
thc Hands of r .l tt i • i 

,. P . cesses lor it. He laid stress on 

the principle of thi freedom of 
the ocean as opposed to Great Britain's 
claims to maritime supremacy, and 
sketched a fantastic map of the Europe 
of the future ; if he could not transform 
this into reality'', at all events military 
laurels should be won at the first oppor- 
tunity which presented itself. 

The Dey of Algiers had been offended by 
the French, and had aimed a blow at their 
consul, Deval, during an audience. Since 
he would not listen to any rem-onstrances, 
France made preparations by land and 
sea. In June, 1830, the Minister of War, 
Count Bourmont, landed with 37,000 
men near Sidi-Ferruch, defeated the Al- 
gerians, sacked their camp, and entered 
the capital on July 6th, where he cap- 
tured much treasure. He banished the 
Dey, and was promoted to be maishal 
of France. Algiers became French, but 
Charles and Polignac were not destined 
.to enjoy the victory. 

The new elections, for which writs were 
issued after the Chamber of Deputies had 
demanded the dismissal of Polignac, proved 
unfavourable to the Ministry and forced 
the king either to change the Ministry 
or make some change in the constitution. 
The Jesuits at that time had not yet 
adequately organised their political system, 


r *" "^ *>, "■■"'v^r^T^^'^^ T'X"^!-?'^**^ 


"^^ZTT" ;,^ 


From an engraving of the period 

and were in France more obscure than in 
Belgium and Germany. However, they 
thought themselves sure of their ground, 
and advised the king to adopt the latter 
alternative, notwithstanding the objections 
of certain members of his house, including 
the dauphine Marie TherCse. 

Meanwhile, the Press and the parties 
in opposition became more confident ; 
Royer-Collard candidly assured Charles 
that the Chamber would oppose every one 
of his Ministries. Charles, however, only 
hstened to Polignac's boastful confidence, 
and at the opening of the Chambers on 
March 2nd, 1830, in. his speech from the 
throne he threatened the opposition in 
such unmistakable terms that doctrinaires 
as well as ultra-Liberals detected the un- 
shtathing of the royal sword. Pierre 
Antoine Berryer, the most briUiant orator 
of legitimacy, and perhaps the greatest 
French orator of the century, had a lively 
passage of a^ms in the debate on the 
address with Fran(;:ois Guizot, the clever 
leader of the doctrinaires, and was de- 
feated ; the Chamber, by 221 votes against 
181, accepted on March i6th a peremp- 
tory answer to the address, which in- 
formed the monarch that his Ministers 
did not possess the confidence of the nation 
and that no harmony existed between the 
Government and the Chamber. Charles, 
however, saw that the monarchy itself 
was at stake, declared his resolutions 


unalterable, and insisted that he would 
never allow his Crown to be humiliated. 
He prorogued the Chambers on March 
19th until September ist, and dismissed 
prefects and officials ; whereupon the 
221 were feted throughout France. Charles 
in some perturbation then demanded from 
his Ministers a statement of the situation. 
But Polignac's secret memorandum of 
April 14th lulled his suspicions again. 

It said that only a small fraction of the 
nation was revolutionary and could not be 
dangerous ; the charter was the gospel, 
and a peaceful arrangement was easy. 
Charles dissolved th:? Chambers on May 
1 6th, and summoned a new one 
for August 3rd. Instead of 
recalling Villele, he strengthened 
the Ministry by followers of 
On May 19th De Chantelauze 
and Count Peyronnet came in as Minister 
of Justice and Minister of the Interior. 

The appointment of Peyronnet was, in 
Charles' own words, a slap in the face for 
public opinion, for there was hardly an 
individual more hated in France ; he now 
continually advised exceptional measures 
and urged a coup d'etat against the 
provisions of the Charta. In order to 
facilitate the victory of the Government 
at the new elections, he explained in his 
proclamation to the people on June 13th 
that he would not give in. But the 
society " Aide-toi, le ciel t'aidera " secured 

The King's 
Defiance of 
the People 



the re-election of the 221 ; the opposition 
reached the number of 272 ; the Ministry, 
on the other hand, had only 145 votes. 

Disorders were visible in the whole of 
France. Troops were sent to quiet them, 
but the Press of every shade of opinion 
fanned the flame. Charles saw rising 
before him the shadow of his brother, 
whom weak concessions had brought to 
the guillotine ; spoke of a dictatorship ; 
and, being entirely under Polignac's 
influence, inclined towards the plan of 

adopting exceptional measures and re- 
asserting his position as king. On July 
26th five royal ordinances were published. 
In these the freedom of the Press as 
established by law was greatly limited ; 
the Chambers of Deputies, though 
only just elected, were again dis- 
solved ; a new law for reorganising the 
elections was proclaimed, and a chamber 
to be chosen in accordance with this 
method was summoned for September 
28th. In other words, war was declared 

The Paris Revolution of 1830 was brief but decisive, ending in the dethronement of Charles X. For three days — from 
July 2t3th till the 29th— Paris was in a state of revolution. The populace attacked the Hotel de Ville and the Tuileries, 
the capture of the former, after a spirited defence by the National Guard, being shown in the above picture. 


The best known political writer in France at the time, Adolphe Thiers, wrote the " Histoire de la Revolution Fran(,'aise," 
which obtained a rapid popularity. An opponent of tiie Polignac administration, he declared for a change of dynasty, 
and in his liberal policy was supported by the financiers Jacques Laffitte, and Casimir Perier, who had a large 
following, enjoying unlimited influence among the property-owning citizens, who were joined by some of the nobility. 

upon the constitution. According to para- 
graph 14 of the charter, the king " is chief 
head of the state. He has command of 
the mihtary and naval forces ; can declare 
war, conclude peace, alliances, and com- 
mercial treaties ; has the right of making 
appointments to every office in the public 
service, and of issuing the necessary 
regulations and decrees for the execution 
of the laws and the security of the state." 
Had the king, ^s indeed was maintained 
by the journals supporting the Ministry, 
ventured to claim the power 
of ruling through his own 
decrees, for which he alone 
was responsible, then all 
regulations as to the state of 
the legislature and the sub- 
ordination of the executive 
would have been entirely 
meaningless. Paris, desiring 
freedom, was clear upon this 
point, and immediately set 
itself with determination to 
the task of resistance. The 
first day began with the 
demonstrations of the 

DrinterS who found thpir Author of the " Rights of Man 
piiiiLcis, wnu I^Liil^ l^il^il theory, and the patriarch of th 


following sentence : "In the present state 
of affairs obedience ceases to be a duty." 
The author of this composition was 
Adolphe Thiers, at that time the best 
known political writer in France, born in 
Marseilles, April 15th, 1797, and practising 
as advocate in Aix in 1820. In 1821 became 
to Paris and entered the office of the 
" Constitutionnel," and co-operated in the 
foundation of several periodicals, writing 
at the same time his " Histoire de la 
Revolution Fran^aise," in ten volumes, 
1823-1827. This work was 
rather a piece of journalism 
than a scientific history. It 
attained rapid popularity 
among the liberal bourgeois 
as it emphasised the great 
successes and the valuable 
achievements of the Revolu- 
tion, while discountenancing 
the aberrations of the lament- 
able excesses of an anarchical 
society ; constitutionalism and 
its preservation were shown 
to* be the results of all the 
struggles and sacrifices which 
France had undergone to 

occupation considerably re- Revolution, he commanded the Na- sccure freedom and power of 

A.,-,^r.A K,r +U^ -D^^^^ tional Guard in the rising of 1830. __,. i_^ ■_,■ j^ _.■ _ 

duced by the Press censor 
ship. This movement was accompanied 
by tumultuous demonstrations of dis- 
satisfaction on the part of the general 
public in the Palais Royal, and the 
windows of the unpopular Minister's 
house were broken. On the morning of the 
second day the liberal newspapers appeared 
without even an attempt to gain the 
necessary authorisation from the autho- 
rities. They contained a manifesto couched 
in identical language and including the 

self-determination to nations 
at large. Thiers also supported the view 
of the members that the charter of 1814 
provided sufficient guarantees for the 
preservation and exercise of the rights 
of the people. These, ho\,'ever, must be 
retained in their entirety and protected 
from the destructive influences of malicious 
misinterpretation. Such protection he 
considered impossible under the govern- 
ment of Charles X. He was equally dis- 
trustful of that monarch's son, the Duke 


of Angouleme, and had already pretty 
plainly declared for a change of dynasty 
and the deposition of the royal line of the 
House of Bourbon in favour of the 
Orleans branch. Thiers and his journal- 
istic friends were supported by a number 
of the advocates present in Paris, in- 
cluding the financiers Jacques Laffitte 
and Casimir Perier. They also possessed 
a considerable following and enjoyed 
unlimited influence among the property- 
owning citizens, who were again joined 
by the independent nobility excluded 
from court. They gave advice upon 
the issue of manifestoes, while Marmont, 
the Duke of Ragusa and military com- 
mander in Paris, strove, with the few 
troops at his disposal, to suppress the noisy 
gatherings of the dis- 
satisfied element, which 
had considerably in- 
creased by July 27th. 
Paris began to take up 
arms on the following 
night. On the 28th, 
thousands of workmen, 
students from the poly- 
technic schools, doctors, 
and citizens of every 
profession, were fighting 
behind numerous barri- 
cades, which resisted all 
the efforts of the troops. 
Marmont recognised his 
inability to deal with the 
revolt, and advised the 
king, who was staying 
with his family and 
Ministers in Saint Cloud, 

The Soldiery 
Desert to 
the Revolters 

After the Revolution of 1830, which drove 
Charles X. from the throne, Louis Philippe, 
the eldest son of Philip " Egalitc-," received waS UOW forCcd tO Clldure 

to withdraw the ordi- t'^« "°«'"' ^"'^ """^^^ ^er "citizen king" the aspersions of treachery 

support the king's cause to the last. The 
troops, however, were by no means iix 
love with the Bourbon hierarchy, and n . 
one felt any inclination to risk his life ok 
behalf of such a .ridiculous coxcomb as 
Polignac, against whom the revolt appeare* I 
chiefly directed. The regi- 
ments advancing upon Paris 
from the neighbouring pro- 
vinces halted in the suburlDS. 
Within Paris itself two regiments of the 
line were . won over by the brother of 
Laffitte, the financier, and deserted to the 
revolters. During the forenoon of July 
2gth, Marmont continued to hold the 
Louvre and the Tuileries with a few thou- 
sand men. In the afternoon, however, a 
number of armed detachments made their 
way into the Louvre 
through a gap caused by 
the retreat of a Swiss 
battalion, and Marmont 
was forced to retire into 
the Champs Elysees. In 
the evening the marshal 
rode off to Saint Cloud 
with the news that the 
movement in Paris could 
no longer be suppressed 
by force, and that the 
king's only course of 
action was to open ne- 
gotiations with the leaders 
of the revolt. Marmont 
had done all he could for 
the Bourbon monarchy 
with the very inadequate 
force at his disposal, and 

France regained some of her old prosperity. 

have caused 

nances. Even then a 
rapid decision might nave caused a 
change of feeling in Paris, and have 
saved the Bourbons, at any rate for the 
moment ; but neither the king nor 
Polignac suspected the serious danger 
confronting them, and never supposed 
that the Parisians would be able to stand 
against 12,000 troops of the hne. This, 
_ . . indeed, was the number that 

Fans in ^r , , 

. . ^ Marmont may have concen- 

Arms against , , 1 r ^i 

.. J,. trated from the garrisons in 

the immediate neighbourhood. 
In view of the well-known capacity of the 
Parisians for street fighting, their bravery 
and determination, this force would 
scarce have been sufficient, even granting 
their discipline to have been unexception- 
able, and assuming their readiness to 

uttered by the Duke of 
Angouleme before the guard. This member 
of the Bourbon family, who had been 
none too brilliantly gifted l^y Providence, 
was entirely spoiled by the ultra legitimist 
rulers and priests, who praised his Spanish 
campaign as a brilliant military achieve- 
ment, and compared the attack on the 
Trocadero to Marengo and Austerlitz. A 
prey to the many illusions emanating from 
the brain of the " sons of Saint Louis," 
it was left to his somewhat nobler and 
larger-minded father to inform him that 
even kings might condescend to return 
thanks, at any rate to men who had risked 
their lives in their defence. 

Marmont was, moreover, mistaken in 
his idea that Charles could retain his 
throne for his family by negotiations, by 



the dismissal of Polignac, by the recogni- 
tion of recent elections, or even by abdica- 
tion in . favour of his grandson Henry, 
afterwards Count of Chambord. The fate of 
the Bourbons was decided on July 30th, 
and the only question for solution was 
whether their place should be taken by 
a republic or by a liberal constitutional 
monarchy under the princes of Orleans. 

Louis Phihppe, son of the Duke of 
Orleans and of the Princess Louise Marie 
Adelaide of Penthievre, had been given 
on his birth, October 6th, 1773, the title 
of the Duke of Valois, and afterwards of 
Duke of riiartre?. Duiintj tlie Revolution 

visited almost every country in Europe, 
and in North America had enjoyed the 
opportunity of becoming acquainted with 
the democratic state and its powers of 
solving the greatest tasks without the 
support of princes or standing armies. 

Consequently upon his return to France 
he was considered a Liberal, was both 
hated and feared by the royal family, 
and became highly popular with the 
people, the more so as he lived a very 
simple life notwithstanding his regained 
wealth ; he associated with the citizens, 
invited their children to play with his 
sons ^nd daughters, and in wet weather 

i .-■^^^;^*^r■*ffl»^A^^:^-^:.-^a^w«^A»ga»»»ia^^ . 


Meeting at the Bourbon Palace on July 30th, is.'.n.i, the deputies offered the " lieutenancy of the kingdi.^^ ._ . ._ Duke 
of Orleans, who had become popular with the people. He at first hesitated, but on the following day, acting, it is said, 
on the advice of Talleyrand, accepted the office. Reading from left to right, the figures in the above picture are : 
Aug. Piirier, Aug. Hilarion de Keratry, Berard, Baron B. Delessert, Duke of Orleans, General Sebastiani, A. de St. 
Aignan, Charles Dupin, Andr6 Gallot, Dugas-Montbel, Duchaffaud, General Count Mathieu Dumas, Bernard de Rennes. 

he had called himself General Egalite, 
and Duke of Orleans after the death of his 
father, the miserable libertine who had 
voted for the death of Louis XVL As 
he had been supported by Dumouriez 
in his candidature for the throne, he was 
obliged to leave France after the flight of 
that leader. He had then been forced 
to lead a very wandering life, and even to 
earn his bread in Switzerland as a school- 
master. Forgiveness for his father's sins 
and for his own secession to the revolters 
had long been withheld by the royal house, 
until he was at length recognised as 
the head of the House of Orleans. He had 


would put up his umbrella and go to the 
market and talk with the saleswomen. 
He had become a very capable man of 
business, and was highly esteemed in 
the financial world. Complicity on his 
part in the overthrow of his relatives 
cannot be proved — such action was indeed 
unnecessary ; but there can be no doubt 
that he desired their fall, and turned it to 
his own advantage. In his retreat at 
Raincy at Neuilly he received the message 
of Laffitte and the information from 
Thiers in person that the Chamber would 
appoint him lieutenant-general to the 
king ?nd invest him with full power. 

fc. oH 



He then returned to Paris, and was there 
entrusted by Charles X. with that office 
in his own name and as representative 
of Henry V., who was still a minor. 
He conformed his further procedure to 
the spirit of these commands 
as Ions; as he deemed this 

The Doom of 
the Bourbon 
Mon archy 

course of action favourable to 
his own interests. As soon as 
he became convinced that the king's word 
was powerless, he announced the monarch's 
abdication, but kept silence upon the fact 
that he had abdicated in favour of his 
grandson. No doubt the representations 
of his adherents that he alone could save 
France from a republic largely contributed 
to the determination of his decision. 

On July 31st it was definitely decided 
that France should be permanently re- 
lieved of the Bourbons who had been 
imposed upon her ; however, concerning 
the future constitution widely divergent 
opinions prevailed. The decision lay with 
the Marquess of Lafayette, the author of 

the " Rights of Man " theory, the patriarch 
of the Revolution, who had already taken 
over the command of the National Guard 
on the 29th, at the request of the Chamber 
of Deputies. -The Republicans, who had 
been responsible for all the work of 
slaughter, and had inspired the people to 
take up arms, reposed full confidence in 
him as a man after their own heart, and 
entrusted him with the office of dictator. 
The rich bourgeoisie, and the journalists 
in connection with them, were, however, 
afraid of a Republican victory and of the 
political ideals and social questions which 
this party might advance for solution. 
, That liberalism which first 
..!^-^"^ became a political force in 
„. \, France is distinguished by a 

tendency to regulate freedom in 
proportion to social rank, and to make the 
exercise of political rights conditional 
upon education and income. The financial 
magnates of Paris expected to enter 
unhindered into the inheritance of the 

Realising that the nation was at last tired of the Bourbon dynasty, Charles X. abdicated in favour of his youno: 
grandson Henry V. ; but France preferred Louis Philippe, and he was called to the throne. He naturally wished to have 
his inconvenient cousin out of the country, and to hasten his departure a march of the National Guard to Rambouillet, 
where Charles was at that time residing, was organised. The march was more like a holiday procession than an 
intimidating movement, being joined by crowds of people, some on vehicles and others on foot, singing the Marseillaise 
and shouting " Vive la libertii ! " The movement, however, had the desired result, Charles leaving France for England. 




^'^^^\% %i >' 

Before a bnlliant assembly of the Chambers, as shown in the above picture, Louis Philippe took the oath 
of the Constitution on August 9th, 1830, and from that time entitled himself "The King of the French." 

effect to the different tendencies 

Legitimists, and permanently to secure 
the powers of government so soon as peace 
had been restored. For this pm'pose they 
required a constitutional king of their 
own opinions, and Louis Philippe was 
their only choice. He probably had no 
difficulty in fathoming their designs, but he 
hoped when once established on the 
throne to be able to dictate his own terms 
and address himself forthwith to the task 
of reducing the Republican party to 
impotence. He proceeded in a solemn 
procession to the town hall, with the object 
of winning over Lafayette by receiving 
the supreme power from his hands. The 
old leader considered this procedure 
entirely natural, constituted himself pleni- 
potentiary of the French nation, and 
concluded an alliance with the " citizen- 
king," whom he introduced, tricolour in 
hand, to the people as his own candidate. 
In less than a week the new constitution 
had been drawn out in detail. It was to 
be " the direct expression of the rights 
, of the French nation " ; the 
rancc s j^^i^g became head of the state 
^^* *-^ .• by the national will, and was to 

Constitution •' , , ,, 

swear to observe the constitu- 
tion upon his accession. The two Chambers 
were retained ; an elected deputy was 
to sit for five years, and the limits of age 
for the passive and the active franchise 
were fixed respectively at thirty and 
twenty five years. The right of giving 


were indispensable to the existence of a 

constitutional monarchy as conceived by 

liberalism was reserved for the legislature. 

Such were the provisions for trial by 

jury of offences against the Press laws, for 

the responsibility of Ministers, 

<-M.^ I ''' V*^ for full liberty to teachers, for 
Charles at , i . •• xi 

_ . .... compulsory education m the 

Rambouillet i , -^ , i r ,^ 

elementary schools, for the 
yearly vote of the conscription, and so 
forth. The deputies chosen at the last 
election passed the proposals by a ferge 
majority, 219 against 38. Of the peers, 
eighty-nine were won over to their side ; 
eighteen alone, including Chateaubriand, 
the novelist of the romantic school, 
supported the rights of Henry V. 
■ In the meantime Charles had retired 
from Saint Cloud to Rambouillet, retaining 
the Guards and certain regiments which 
had remained faithful ; he ^ once again 
announced his abdication, and that of 
Angoiileme, to the Duke of Orleans, and 
ordered him to take up the government 
in the name of Henry V. To this demand 
Louis Philippe sent no answer ; he con- 
fined his efforts to getting, his incon- 
venient cousin out of the country, which 
he already saw at his own feet. When his 
representations produced no effect in this 
direction, his adherents organised a march 
of the National Guard to Rambouillet, a 
movement which, though more like a 



The Death 
Charles X. 

holiday procession than an intimidating 
movement, brought about the desired 
result. The Bourbons and their parasites 
showed not a spark of knightly spirit ; 
not the smallest attempt was made to 
teach the insolent Parisians a lesson, or 
to let them feel the weight of the "Legiti- 
mist " sword. With ostentatious delibera- 
tion a move was made from 
Rambouillet to Cherbourg 
without awakening the smallest 
sign of sympathy. Charles X. 
betook himself for the moment to England. 
On November 6th, 1836, he died in Gorz, 
where the Duke of Angouleme also pissed 
away on June 3rd, 1844. To the Duchess 
Marie Caroline of Berry, the daughter of 
Francis I. of Naples, remained the task of 
stirring up the loyalists of La Vendee 
against the government of the treacherous 
Duke of Orleans, and of weaving, at the 
risk of her life, intrigues for civil war in 
France. In spite of her capture, Novem- 
ber 7th, 1832, at Nantes, she might have 
been a source of serious embarrassment to 
Louis Philippe, and perhaps have turned 
his later difficulties to the advantage of 
her son, if she had not fallen into disfavour 
with her own family, and with the arrogant 
legitimists, on account of her secret mar- 
riage with a son of the Sicilian prince of 
Campofranco, the Conte Ettore Carlo 
Lucchesi Palli, to whom she bore a son, 
the later Duca della Grazia, while in 
captivity at Blaye, near Bordeaux. Her 
last son by her first marriage, the Count 
of Chambord, contented himself through- 
out his life with the proud consciousness 
of being the legal King of France ; 
however, the resources of the good Henry 
were too limited for him to become 
dangerous to any government. 

France had thus relieved herself of the 
Bourbons at little or no cost ; she was 
now to try the experiment of living under 
the House of Orleans, and under a con- 
stitutional monarchy. The Republicans 
were surprised at their deser- 

''j''-? VI fion by Lafayette ; thev could 
and its New j _ j j 


not but observe that the mass 

of people who were insensible ■= 
to political conviction, and accustomed to 
follow the influences of the moment, hailed 
with acclamatiori the new constitution 
adjusted by the prosperous Liberals. For 
the moment they retired into private life 
with ill-concealed expressions of dissatis- 
faction, and became the nucleus for a 
party of malcontents which was speedily 


reinforced by recruits from every direction. 
" The King of the French," as the Duke 
of Orleans entitled himself from August 
9th, 1830, at the very outset of his govern- 
ment stirred up a dangerous strife, and by 
doing so undermined his own position, 
which at first had seemed to be founded 
upon the national will. He ought to have 
honourably and openly enforced the 
"Republican institutions" which, upon 
Lafayette's theory, were meant to be the 
environment of his royal power ; he ought 
to have appeared as representing the will 
of the nation, and should in any case have 
left his fate exclusively in the hands of 
the people. He attempted, however, to 
secure his recognition from the great 
Powers, to assert his claims to considera- 
tion among the other dynasties of Europe, 
and to gain their confidence for himself 
and France. Prince Metternich supported 
him in these attempts as soon as he ob- 
served that the influences of the Left had 
been nullified, and that the new king was 
making a serious effort to suppress that 
party. The Austrian chancellor fully re- 
cognised that Louis Philippe, in preventing 
the formation of a Republic 

uccessors ^^ j^j^ intervention, had done 
B K good service to the cause of 

reaction ; he readily thanked 
him for his erection of a constitutional 
throne, whereby the monarchies had been 
spared the necessity of again taking the 
fi.eld against a Republican France. The 
Bonapartists had proposed to bring for- 
ward an opposition candidate to Louis 
Philippe in the person of the highly gifted 
and ambitious son of Napoleon L, "le fils 
de I'homme," and the Archduchess Marie 
Louise, who had been brought up under the 
care of his grandfather in Vienna. 

The untimely death of the excellent Duke 
of Reichstadt, who succumbed to a gallop- 
ing consumption on July 22nd, 1832, which 
was not, as often stated, the result of 
excessive self-indulgence. freed "the citizen- 
king " from a danger which had threatened 
to increase with every year. At the end 
of August England recognised uncon- 
ditionally and without reserve the new 
government in France ; her example was 
followed by Austria and Prussia, to the 
extreme vexation of the Tsar Nicholas L 
The House of Orleans might thus far con- 
sider itself at least tolerated as the successor 
of the French Bourbons. 

Hans von Zvviedineck-Sudenhorst 
Arthur Kleinschmidt 











THE events of 1830 in Paris introduced 
a new revolutionary period in Europe 
which was to prodnce far more compre- 
hensive and permanent transformations 
than the Revolution of 1789. From that 
date was broken the spell of the reaction- 
ary theory which forbade all efforts for the 
identification of monarchical and popular 
rights, and demanded blind submission to 
the decrees of the government. 

This tyranny had been abolished by the 
will of a people which, notwithstanding 
internal dissensions, was united in its op- 
position to the Bourbons. Thirty or forty 
thousand men, with no military organisa- 
tion and without preparation of any kind, 
had defeated in street fighting twelve 
thousand troops of the line, under the 
command of an experienced general, a 
marshal of the Grand Army of Napoleon I. 
Though gained by bloodshed, the victory 
was not misused or stamed by atrocities 
„ of any kind; at no time was any 

rancc attempt made to introduce 

Under a New j-,- c i tt 

T^ . a condition of anarchy. Upon 

the capture of the Louvre by 
bands of armed citizens, little damage had 
been done, and the artistic treasures of the 
palace had been safely removed from the 
advance of the attacking party. In the 
course of a fortnight a new constitution 
had been organised l)y the joint action of 
the leading citizens, a new regime had been 
established in everj^ branch of the adminis- 
tration, and a new dynasty had been 
entrusted with supreme power. It had 
been shown that revolutions did not of 
necessity imply the destruction of social 
order, but might also become a means to 
the attainment of political rights. 

Proof had thus been given that it was 
possible for a people to impose its will 
upon selfish and misguided governments, 
even when protected by armed force. 
The so-called conservative Great Powers 
wcie not united among themselves, and 

were therefore too weak to exclude a 
nation from the exercise of its natural 
right of self-government when that nation 
was ready to stake its blood and treasure 
on the issue. Other peoples living under 
conditions apparently or actually intoler- 
able might be tempted to follow 
auses ^j_^-g gxample and to revolt. 
of National t^, • 1 f r r • 1 

P . . ihe weight of a foreign yoke, 

a term implying not only the 
rule of a conqueror king, but also that 
of a foreigner legally in possession of the 
throne, is more than ever galling if not 
supported upon a community of interests. 

The strong aversion which springs from 
the contact of cha'"acters fundamentally 
discordant can never be overcome even by 
consideration of the mutual advantages 
to be gained from the union, however great 
these advantages may be. Repugnance 
and animosity, purely sentimental in their 
origin, and impossible of suppression by 
any process of intellectual exercise, are 
influences as important in national as in 
individual life. Irritated ambition, exag- 
gerated pride, the under and over estima- 
tion of defects and advantages, are so 
many causes of national friction, with 
tremendous struggles and poHtical con- 
vulsions as their consequence. 

To prefer national sentiment to political 
necessity is naturally an erroneous doctrine, 
because contrary to the fundamental laws 
of civilisation, which define man's task as 
the conquest of natural forces by his in- 
tellectual power for his own good. Yet 
_ such a doctrine is based at 

/n^ °.^.°*^!* least upon the ascertained 

of Political r . , 1 , ,1 i 1- 

Vitalit- • notwithstanding 

' * * ^ ages of intellectual progress, 

instinct is more powerful than reason, and 
that the influences of instinct must be 
remembered both by nations and individuals 
in the pursuit of their several needs. 
In nineteenth-century Europe the de- 
velopment of inherent national powers was 



entirely justified, if only because for 

centuries it had been neglected and 

thwarted, or had adv^anced, if at all, by a 

process highly irregular. Many European 

countries had developed a political vitality 

under, and as a consequence of, monarchical 

government : and if this vitality was to 

become the realisation of the popular will 

it must first gain assurance of 

, „ -its own value and nnportance, 

In Frocess of , • ., • i . r u 

rt . .. and acquire the right oi seli- 

government. It was to be 
tested in a series of trials which would prove 
its vital power and capacity , or would at least 
determine the degree of dependency which 
should govern its relations to other forces. 
• Hence it is that national revolutions are 
the substratum of European political 
history after the Vienna Congress. Hence 
it is that cabinet governments were 
gradually forced to undertake tasks of 
national importance which had never 
before even attracted their notice. Hence, 
too, such nations as were vigorous and 
capable of development must be organised 
and tested before entering upon the 
struggle for the transformation of society — 
a struggle which ultimately overshadowed 
national aspirations and became itself the 
chief aim and object of civilised endeavour. 
The oppression of an alien rule to which 
Europe had been forced to submit was, 
if not entirely overthrown, at any rate 
shaken to its foundations. The tyranny 
under which the Christian inhabitants of 
the Balkan countries had groaned since 
the middle of the fifteenth century, and 
which had entirely checked every tendency 
to progress, was now in process of dissolu- 
tion. Among the Slav races of the Balkans 
the Servians had freed themselves by their 
own power, and had founded the begin- 
nings of a national community. With 
unexampled heroism, which had risen 
almost to the point of self-immolation, the 
Greeks had saved their nationality, and 
had united a considerable portion of their 
^ numbers into a self-contained 

,, .. ,.^ state. In Germany and Italy the 

Nationality , . , -^ , , -',, 

c , national movement, together 

with the political, had been 
crushed in the name of the conservative 
Great Powers and their " sacred " alliances ; 
in this case it was only to be expected that 
the influence of the French Revolution 
would produce some tangible effect. It was, 
however, in two countries, where systems 
unusually artificial had been created 
by the arbitrary action of dynasties 

and diplomatists, that these influences 
became earliest and most permanently 
operative : in the new kingdom of the 
United Netherlands, and in Poland under 
the Russian protectorate. 

In 1813 and 1815, the Dutch had taken 
an honourable share in the general struggle 
for liberation from the French yoke ; they 
had formed a constitution which, while 
providing a sufficient measure of self- 
government to the nine provinces of their 
kingdom, united those nine into a uniform 
body politic. They had abolished their 
aristocratic republic, which had been 
replaced by a limited monarchy ; the son 
of their last hereditary stadtholder, Prince 
William Frederic of Orange, had been 
made king, with the title of William I., 
and so far everything had been done that 
conservative diplomacy could possibly 
desire. Conservatism, however, declined 
to allow the Dutch constitution to continue 
its course of historical development, and 
proceeded to ruin it by the artificial 
addition of Belgium — a proceeding which 
may well serve as an example of the in- 
competent bureaucratic policy of Prince 
_ Metternich. The Orange king 

e gian naturally regarded this unex- 

Union with ^ , -^ °. . . 

H II J pected accession of territory as 
Holland ^ . . - ^ 

a recognition 01 his own high 

capacity, and considered that he could best 
serve the interests of the Great Powers by 
treating the Belgians, whom he considered 
as Frenchmen, as s'-.bjects of inferior rank. 

Many disabilities were laid upon them by 
the administration, which was chiefly in 
the hands of Dutchmen. Dutch trade had 
begun to revive, and Belgian industries 
found no support in Holland. Day by day 
it became clearer to the Belgians that 
union with Holland was for them a disas- 
trous mistake, and they proceeded to 
demand separation. Not only by the 
Catholic Conservative party, but also by 
the Liberals, the difference of religious 
belief was thought to accentuate the opposi- 
tion of interests. The attitude of hostility 
to their Protestant neighbours which the 
Catholic provinces of the Netherlands had 
adopted during 150 years of . Spanish 
government had never been entirely given 
up, and was now resumed, after a short 
armistice, with much secret satisfaction. 

Without any special preparation, the 
ferment became visible on the occasion of 
a performance of the " Revolution Opera " 
completed in 1828, " The Dumb Girl of 
Portici," by D.F. E.Auber, on August 25th, 


1830. Personal intervention might even 
then perhaps have saved the pohtical union 
of the Netherland countries. The king, 
however, made no honourable attempt to 
secure the confidence of the Belgians, and 
any possibility of agreement was removed 
by the attempt to seize Brussels, which he 
was persuaded to make through Prince 
Frederic, -who had 10,000 men at his 
command. On November loth, 1830, the 
National Congress decided in favour of the 
introduction of a constitutional monarchy, 
and for the exclusion of the House of Orange 
in favour of a new dynasty. Here, also, the 
expression of popular will failed to coincide 
with the hopes of the Revolution leaders, 
w ho were inclined to republicanism. 

The Liberal coteries, who were forced 
in Belgium to act in concert with the 
Church, preferred government under a 
constitutional monarchy ; if 
a republic were formed, an 
ultramontane majority would 
inevitably secure tyrannical 
supremacy, and all freedom of 
thought would be im.possible. 
A royal family, if not so intel- 
lectually incapable as the 
Bourbons, would never consent 
to bind itself hand and foot to 
please any party, but, while 
respecting the rights of the 
minority, would unite with 
them in opposition to any at- 
tempted perversion of power. 

of Belgian 

The British proposal to call a conference 
at London for the adjustment of the 
Dutch-Belgian difficulty was received 
with general approbation. On December 
20th the independence of Belgium was 
i-ecognised by this assembly, and the 
temporary government in Brussels was 
invited through ambassadors 
to negotiate with the confer- 
ence. The choice of the new 
king caused no great difficulty; 
the claims of Orange, Orleans, and 
Bavarian candidates were considered and 
rejected, and the general approval fell 
upon Prince Leopold George of Coburg, 
a widower, who had been previously 
married to Charlotte of England. On 
June 4th, 1831, the National Congress 
appointed him King of the Belgians, and 
he entered upon his dignity in July. 
It proved a more difficult 
task to induce the King 
of Holland to agree to an 
acceptable compromise with 
Belgium and to renounce his 
claims to Luxemburg. In 
the session of October 15th, 
1 83 1, the conference passed 
twenty-four articles, propos- 
ing a partition of Luxemburg, 
and fixing Belgium's yearly 
contribution to the Nether- 
land national debt at 8,400,000 
gulden. On two occasions it 
became necessary to send 

The ready proposal of the william i. of Holland French troops as far as Ant- 
Belgians to accept a monarch- Sj;;%^^:f^neVtht^f:°rTf ^erp to protect Belgium, a 
ical government was received Napoleon, Belgium and Holland w-eak military power, from 
with satisfaction b)^ the Great were united under one sovereign, reconqucst by Holland ; and 
Powers, who were reluctantly Wiiiiam i., who abdicated inis40. ^^ ^^^^i occasion diplomatic 
considering the necessity of opposing the negotiation induced the Dutch to retire 

Revolution by force. The Tsar Nicholas 
had already made up his mind to raise his 
arm against the West ; his attention, how- 
ever, was soon occupied by far more press- 
ing questions within his own dominions. 
Metternich and Frederic William III. were 
disinclined, for financial reasons, to raise 
. . . contingents of troops ; the 

JUS mg e scantyforcesat the command 
Dutch-Belgian r a . ■ • ^ ■ 

jj.j.,. J. 01 Austria were required m 

Italy, where the Carbonari 
were known to be in a state of ferment. 
Louis Philippe decided the general direction 
of his pohcy by declining to listen to the 
Radical proposals for a union of Belgium 
with France, and thereby strengthened 
that confidence which he had already 
won among the Conservative cabinets. 
G 26 ^ 

from the land which they had occupied. 
It was not until 1838 that peace between 
Belgium and Holland was definitely 
concluded ; King William had fruitlessly 
strained the resources of his state to 
the utmost, and for the increased severity 
of the conditions imposed upon him he 
had merely his own obstinacy to thank. 
Belgium's share of the payment towards 
the interest due upon the common national 
debt was ultimately fixed at 5,000,000 
gulden. On August 9th, 1832, King 
Leopold married Louise of Orleans, the 
eldest daughter of Louis PhiUppe ; though 
not himself a Catholic, he had his sons 
baptised into that faith, and thus became 
the founder of a new Catholic dynasty in 
Europe, which rapidly acquired importance 



through the pohtic and dignified conduct 

of Leopold L What the Belgians had 

gained without any unusual effort Poland 

was unable to attain in spite of the 

streams of blood which she poured forth 

in her struggle with Russia. She had 

been a nation on an equality with Russia, 

with a constitution of her own ; 

„ , , , her resistance now reduced 
Poland under , j. ^.i. x- r 

_ . her to the position ot a 

Kussian j- ,i ■ j 

^ . province oi the empire, de- 

prived of all political rights, 
and subjected to a government alike 
despotic and arbitrary. The popular will 
was unable to find expression, for the 
nation which it inspired had been warped 
and repressed by a wholly unnatural 
course of development ; there was no 
unity, no social organism, to support 
the expansion of classes and professions. 
Theie were only two classes struggling 
for definite aims — the great territorial 
nobility, who were attracted by the 
possibility of restoring their exaggerated 
powers, which had depended on the 
exclusion of their inferiors from legal 
rights ; and the small party of intelligent 
men among the Schlactha, the petty 
nobility, civil officials, military officers, 
teachers, etc., who had identified them- 
selves with the principles of democracy, 
and were attempting to secure their 
realisation. Though its purity of . blood 
was almost indisputable, the Polish race 
had sunk so low that the manufacturing 
and productive element of the population, 
the craftsmen and agricultural workers, 
had lost all feeling of national union and 
had nothing to hope from a national state. 
Averse from exertion, incapable of 
achievement, and eaten up by preposter- 
ous self-conceit, Polish society, for centuries 
the sole exponent of national culture, was 
inaccessible to the effect of any deep moral 
awakening; hence national movement in 
the true sense of the term was impossible. 
At the outset the Polish Revolution was 
marked by sojiie , display of 
resolution and enthusiasm. It 

The Poles 
Strike for 

was, however, a movement 
animated rather by ill-feeling 
and injured pride than originating in the 
irritation caused by intolerable oppression. 
It is true that the government was for the 
most part in the hands of the Russians, 
but there is no reason to suppose that it 
was in any way more unjust or more cor- 
rupt than the monarchical republic that 
had passed away. It cannot be said that 


the Russian administration prevented the 
Poles from recognising the defective re- 
sults of their social development, from 
working to remove those defects, to relieve 
the burdens of the labouring classes, and 
to found a community endowed with some 
measure of vitality, the advantages of 
which were plainly to be seen in the neigh- 
bouring Prussian districts. The moderate 
independence which Alexander I. had 
left to the Polish National Assembly was 
greater than that possessed by the Prussian 
provincial assemblies. The Poles possessed 
the means for relieving the legislature 
of the arrogance of the nobles, whom no 
monarchy, however powerful, had been 
able to check, and thus freeing the people 
from the weight of an oppression far 
more intolerable than the arbitrary rule 
of individuals, officials, and commanders. 

Yet, was there ever a time when the much- 
lauded patriotism of the Poles attempted 
to deal with questions of this nature ? 
So long as they failed to recognise their 
duty in this respect, their patriotism, 
founded upon a vanity which had risen 
to the point of monomania, was valueless 
^^ r k ^^ *^^ nation at large. Events 
Fotuh P'""^^^ that the struggle be- 

n , ^. tween Poland and Russia 
Revolution , ■, ■, -11 

cannot be described as purpose- 
less. The revolutionary party had long 
been quietly working, and when the pro- 
gress of events in France became known, 
was immediately inflamed to action. Its 
first practical steps were generally attended 
with a high measure of success. 

After the storming of the Belvedere, 
November 29th, 1830, occupied by the 
governor, the Grand Duke Constantine, 
that personage was so far intimidated as 
to evacuate Warsaw with his troops. On 
December 5th, 1830, a provisional govern- 
ment was already in existence. On 
January 25th, 1831, the Assembly declared 
the deposition of the House of Romanoff, 
and in February a Polish army of 78,000 
men was confronting 100,000 Russians, 
who had been concentrated on the fron- 
tiers of Old Poland under Diebitsch- 
Sabalkanski, and his general staff officer, 
Karl Friedrich, Count of Toll. -These 
achievements wei'e the unaided work of 
the nobility; their .military organisation 
had been quickly and admirably successful. 
Their commander-in-chief , Prince Michael 
Radziwill, who had served under Thaddeus 
Kosciuszko and Napoleon, had several 
bold and capable leaders at his disposal. 


If at the same time a popular rising had 
taken place throughout the country, and 
a people's war in the true sense of the word 
had been begun, it is impossible to estimate 
the extent of the difficulties with which 
the Russian Government would have had 
to deal. Notwithstanding the victories of 
Bialolenka and Grochow, February 24th 
and 25th, 1831, Diebitsch did not dare to 
advance upon Warsaw, fearing to be 
blockaded in that town ; he waited for 
reinforcements, and even began negotia- 
tions, considering his pDsition extremely 
unfavourable. However, Volhynia and 
Podolia took no serious part in the revolt. 
The deputies of -the Warsaw government 
found scattered adherents in every place 
they visited ; but the spirit of enterprise 
and the capacity for struggle disappeared 
upon their departure. It 
was only in Lithuania 
that any public rising on an 
extensive scale took place. 
On May 26th, Diebitsch, 
in spite of a heroic defence, 
inflicted a severe defeat at 
Ostrolenka upon the main 
Polish army under Jan 
Boncza Skrzynecki. Hence- 
forward the military advan- 
tage was decidedly on the 
side of the Russians. The 
outbreak of cholera, to 
which Diebitsch succumbed 
on June loth, might perhaps 
have produced a turn of 
fortune favourable to the 
Poles. Count Ivan Feod- 
vitch Paskevitch-Erivanski, 
who now assumed the chief 
command, had but 50,000 
men at his disposal, and would hardly 
have dared to advance from Pultusk if 
the numerous guerrilla bands of the 
Poles had done their duty and had been 
p.operly supported by the population. 
Never, however, was there any general 
rising ; terrified by the ravages of the 
p cholera, the mob declined 

_ H h ^^ obey the authorities, and 

^. ^ ^ their patriotism was not proof 
against their panic. Skrzynecki 
and his successor, Henry DernlDinski, 
had 50,000 men under their colours 
when they attempted to resist the 
advance of Paskevitch upon Warsaw ; 
but within the capital itself a feud had 
broken out between the aristocrats and 
the democrats, who were represented 

End of the 
Polish Dream 
of Freedom 

When the independence of Belgium was 
recognised, the choice of a new king fell 
upon Prince Leopold George of Coburg, 
and on July 4th, isyi, the National Con- 
gress appointed him King of the Belgians. 

among the five members of the civil 
government by the historian Joachim 
Lelevel, after the dictatorship ol Joseph 
Chlopicki had not only abolished but 
utterly shattered the supremacy of the 
nobles. The government, at the head of 
which was the senatorial president. Prince 
Adam George Czartoryiski, 
was forced to resign, and the 
purely democratic adminis- 
tration which succeeded fell 
into general disrepute. Military operations 
suffered from lack of concerted leadership. 
The storming of Warsaw on September 6th 
and yth, carried out by Paskevitch and 
Toll, with 70,000 Russians agaiftst 40,000 
Poles, decided the struggle. The smaller 
divisions still on foot, under the Genoese 
Girolamo Ramorino, Mathias Rybinski, 
Rozycki, and others, met 
with no support from the 
population, and were 
speedily forced to retreat 
beyond the frontier. 

The Polish dream of free- 
dom was at an end. The 
Kingdom of Poland, to 
which Alexander I. had 
granted nominal independ- 
ence, became a Russian 
province in 1832 by a 
constitutional edict of Feb- 
ruary 26th ; henceforward 
its history was a history of 
oppression and stern and 
cruel tyranny. However, 
the consequent suffering 
failed to produce any puri- 
fying effect upon the nation, 
though European liberal- 
ism, with extraordinary 
unanimity, manifested a sympathy which, 
in Germany, rose to the point of ridicu- 
lous and hysterical sentimentalism. 

It was by conspiracies, secret unions, and 
political intrigues of every kind, by degrad- 
ing mendicancy and sponging, that these 
" patriots " thought to recover freedom 
and independence for their native land. 
Careless of the consequences and untaught 
by suffering, in 1846 they instigated 
revolts in Posen and in the little free state 
of Cracow, which was occupied by Austria 
at the request of Russia, and eventually 
incorporated with the province of Galicia. 
The psasant revolt, which was charac- 
terised by unexampled ferocity and 
cruelty, made it plain to the world at 
large that it was not the Russian, the 





General Jan Boncza Skrzynecki was in command of the main Polish array at Ostrolenka, where it suffered defeat ; 
Count Ivan Feodvitch Paskevitch-Erivanski commanded the Russian troops opposed to Skrzynecki and Dembinski, 
crushing the Poles and taking Warsaw ; while the Grand Duke Constantine, brother of the Tsar of Russia and governor 
of Warsaw, after the storming of the Belvedere on November 29th, 1830, was so far intimidated as to evacuate Warsaw. 

Austrian, or the Prussian whom the 
Pohsh peasant considered his deadly 
enemy and oppressor, but the Pohsh noble. 
The revolutionary party in connection 
with the Revolution of July brought 
little to pass in Italy except abortive 
conspiracies and a general state of disturb- 
ance. The nation as a whole was inspired 
by no feeling of nationalism ; the moderate 
party kept aloof from the intrigues of the 
Carbonari, who f 
continued their 
activities in 
secret after the 
subjugation of 
Piedmont and 
Naples by the 
Austrians in 
1821. The chief 
Austrian adher- 
ents were to be 
found in the 
Church states ; 
there, however, 
an opposition 
union, that of 
had been formed, 
with the counten- 
ance of the 
papacy. While striving for the maintenance 
of the papal power and the strengthen- 
ing of religious feeling, the party occu- 
pied itself with the persecution of all 
Liberals, and rivalled the Carbonari in the 
use of poison and dagger for the attain- 
ment of its ends. Cardinal Consalvi had 
availed himself of the help of the Sanfe- 
dists ; but he allowed their power to extend 



When Charles, Duke of Brunswick, proved his incompetence, his 
brother William, at the request of Prussia, offered himself for the high 
office and was received with acclamation. King of Hanover, Ernest 
Augustus exhibited a weak narrow-mindedness by refusing the con- 
stitution between the nobility and the representatives of the peasants. 

only SO far as it might be useful for the 
furtherance of his political objects. How- 
ever, under the government of Pope Leo 
XIL, 1823-1829, the influence of the 
party increased considerably, and led the 
Cardinal Rivarola, the legate of Ravenna, 
to perpetrate cruelties upon the Carbonari 
in Faenza, a policy which contributed to 
increase the general ill-feeling with which 
Italy regarded the futile administration 
of the papacy. 
Pius VIII., 
1829-1830, . and 
Cardinal Albani 
supported the 
union of the San- 
fedists ; their 
continued at- 
tempts at aggran- 
disement resulted 
in the temporary 
success of the 
revolution in 
Bologna. This 
movement had 
been long pre- 
pared, and broke 
out on February 
4th, 1 83 1, when 
Menotti in Parma 
gave the signal for action. The Duke of 
Modena, Francis IV., imprisoned Menotti 
in his own house ; feeling himself, however, 
too weak to deal with the movement, he tied 
into Austrian territory with his battalion 
of soldiers, and hastened to Vienna to 
appeal to Metternich for help. His example 
was followed by Pope Gregory XVI., 
elected on February 2nd, 1831, formerly 


Bartolommeo Cappelleri, general of the 
Camaldulensian (.rder, whose supremacy 
was no longer recognised by the Umbrian 
towns which had broken into revolt, by the 
legation, or by the Marks. 

The Austrian chancellor thought it advis- 
able to maintain at any cost the protec- 
torate exercised by the emperor in Italy ; 
notwithstanding the threats of France, who 
declared that she would regard the advance 
of Austrian troops into tlie Church states 
as a casus belU, . 

Pius VII. 

he occupied 
Bologna, March 
2ist, after seizing 
F e r r a r a and 
Parma in the 
first days of 
March. Ancona 
was also forced 
to surrender ; in 
this town the 
government of 
the R o m a g n a 
had taken refuge, 
together with 
Louis Napoleon 
Bonaparte, son 
of the King of 
Holland and of 
Hortense Beau- 
harnais, who first 
came into con- 
nection with the 
party at this 
date. The task 
of the Austrians 
was then brought 
to completion. 
On July 15th 
they retired from 
the papal states, 
but were obliged 
to return on 
January 24th, 
1832, in conse- 
quence of the new revolt which had been 
brought about by the cruelties of the 
papalini, or papal soldiers. Louis Philippe 
attempted to lend some show of support 
to the Itahan Liberal party by occupying 
Ancona at the same time, February 22nd. 
Neither France nor Austria could^ oblige 
the Pope to introduce the reforms which 
he had promised into his administration. 
The ruHng powers of the Curia were appre- 
hensive of the reduction of their revenues, 

and steadily thwarted all measures of 
reorganisation. When Gregory XVL en- 
listed two Swiss regiments for the main- 
tenance of peace and order, the foreign 
troops evacuated his district in 1838. 

In Germany the effects of the July 
Revolution varied according to differences 
of political condition, and fully represented 
the divergences of feeling and opinion 
prevailing in the separate provinces. 
There was no uniformity of thought, nor 
had any tendency 

Leo X II. 

Pius VIII. 

During tlie restless period in the first half of last century, St. Peter's 
Chair was occupied in turn by the Popes whose portraits are given 
above. Pius VII. died in IS-'.'i, and was succeeded by Leo XII. At his 
death, Pius VIII. became Pope, ruling only from March, 1829, till 
November, 1830. He was followed by the reactionary Gregory XVI. 

to nationalist 
movement be- 
come apparent. 
Liberal and Radi- 
cal groups were 
to be found side 
by side, divided 
by no strict fron- 
tier line ; more- 
over, operations 
in common were 
inconceivable, for 
no common ob- 
ject of endeavour 
had yet b e e h 
found. In par- 
ticular federal 
provinces special 
gave rise to re- 
volts intended to 
produce a change 
in the relations 
subsisting be- 
tween the rulers 
and the ruled. 

Brunswick was 
a scene of events 
as fortunate for 
that state as they 
were rapid in 
Charles, Duke of 
Brunswick, who 
had begun his 
rule in 1823 as 
a youth of nineteen years of age, 
showed himself totally incompetent to 
fulfil the duties of his high position. He 
conducted himself towards his relations 
of England and Hanover with an utter 
want of tact ; and towards his subjects, 
whose constitutional rights he declined 
to recognise, he was equally haughty and 
dictatorial. After the events of July he 
had returned home from Paris, where he 
had spent his time in the grossest pleasures. 


Gregory XVI. 


and immediately opposed the nobles and 
the citizens as ruthlessly as ever. Dis- 
turbances broke out in consequence on 
September 7th, ,1830, and so frightened 
the cowardly libertine that he evacuated 
his capital with the utmost possible speed 
and deserted his province. At the request 
of Prussia, his brother William, who had 

taken over the principality of 
D k * ^™ ^^^' o^^i'^cl himself to the peopje 
„ • k '^^ Brunswick, who received 

him with acclamation. Not- 
withstanding the opposition of Metternich 
in the diet, the joint action of Prussia and 
England secured WilUam's recognition 
as duke on December 2nd, after Charles 
had made himself the laughing-stock of 
Europe by a desperate attempt to cross 
the frontier of Brunswick with a small 
body of armed ruffians. 

The people of Hesse forced their elector, 
William II., to summon the representatives 
of the Orders in September, 1830, and to 
assent to the constitution which they 
speedily drew up. On January 8th, 1831, 
the elector, in the presence of the Crown 
Prince Frederic William, signed the docu- 
ments and handed them to the Orders ; 
however, the people of Hesse were unable 
to secure constitutional government. They 
declined to allow the elector to leside 
among them in Cassel, with his mistress, 
Emilie Ortlopp, whom he made Countess 
of Reichenbach in 1821, and afterwards 
Countess of Lessonitz ; they forced him to 
withdraw to Hanover and to appoint the 
Crown Prince as co-regent, September 
30th, 1831, but found they had merely 
fallen out of the frying-pan into the fire. 
In August, 1 83 1, Frederic William I. 
married Gertrude Lehmann, nee Falken- 
stein, the wife of a lieutenant, who had 
been divorced b}^ her husband in Bonn, 
made Countess of Schaumburg in 1831, 
and Princess of Hanau in 1853 ; as a 
result he quarrelled with his mother, the 
Princess Augusta of Prussia, and with 
• the estates, who espoused the 

c yran ^^^^^ q| ^j^g iniured electress. 

He was a malicious and stub- 
born tyrant, who broke his 
plighted word, deliberately introduced 
changes into the constitution through his 
Minister, Hans Daniel von Hassenpflug, 
whom he supported in his struggle with 
the estates until the Minister also insulted 
him and opposed his effprts at unlimited 
despotism. Hassenpflug left the service 
of Hesse in July, 1837, first entering the 



civil service in Sigmaringen, November, 

1838, then that of Luxemburg, June, 

1839, ultimately taking a high place in the 
public administration of Prussia, 1841. 

The people of Hesse then became con- 
vinced that their position had rather 
deteriorated than otherwise ; the Landtag 
Was -continually at war with the govern- 
ment, and was repeatedly dissolved. The 
Liberals went to great trouble to claim their 
rights in endless appeals and proclamations 
to the Federal Council, but were naturally 
and invariably the losers in the struggle 
with the unscrupulous regent, who became 
elector and gained the enjoyment of the 
revenues from the demesnes and the trust 
property by the death of his father on 
November 20th, 1847. The Liberals were 
not anxious to resort to any violent 
steps which might have provoked the 
Federal Council to interference of an un- 
pleasant kind ; they were also unwilling 
to act in concert with the Radicals. 

Even more helpless and timorous 
was the behaviour of the Hanoverians 
when their king, Ernest Augustus, who 
had contracted debts amounting to 
several million thalers as Duke 
of Cumberland, was so 
narrow-minded as to reject 
the constitution which had 
been arranged after long and difficult 
negotiations between the nobility and the 
representatives of the peasants. Seven 
professors of Gottingen, Jakob and Wil- 
helm Grimm, . Dahlmann, Weber and 
Gervinus, Ewald and Albrecht, protested 
against the patent of November ist, 1837, 
which absolved the state officials from 
their oaths of fidelity to the constitution. 
The state prosecution and merciless dis- 
missal of these professors aroused a general 
outcry throughout Germany against the 
effrontery and obstinacy of the Guelphs ; 
none the less, the estates, who had been 
deprived of their rights, were too timid 
to make a bold and honourable stand 
against the powers oppressing them. A 
number of the electors consented, in 
accordance with the decrees of 1819, which 
were revived by the king, to carry through 
the elections for the General Assembty of 
the estates, thereby enabling the king to 
maintain that in form at least his state 
was constitutionally governed in the spirit 
of the Act of Federation. In vain did that 
indomitable champion of the popular 
rights, Johann Karl Tertern Stiive, burgo- 
master of Osnabriick, protest before the 

The brave 
Professors of 


tendencies proved incompatible with the 
favour which the Saxon Court attempted 
to show the CathoUc Church, the two 
princes considered in 1843 that they were 
able to dispense with his services. The 
great rise in prosperity 
manifested in every de- 
partment of public life 
under his government was 
invariably ascribed to his 
wise statesmanship 
and his great capacity. 
Not entirely discon- 
nected are those political 
phenomena which 
occurred in Baden, Hesse- 
Darmstadt, and the 
Bavarian Palatinate, as 
results of the changes 
which had been brought 
to pass in France. In 
these provinces it became 
plain that liberalism, and 
the legislation it promoted, 
THE BROTHERS GRIMM were mcapablc of satisfy- 

Jakob and Wilhelni Grimm, two prominent mg tnC people aS a WnoIC, 

educationists of Gottingen, were among- tiie qj- Qf creating a bodv 

J --.- professors dismissed in 1837 for protesting re ■ ,1 . 

Frederic against the absolution of state officials from polltlC SUtnCieutly StrOUg 

their oaths of fidelity to the constitution. . SCCUre the prOgrCSS 

of sound economic development. Nowhere 
throughout Germany was the parlia.- 
mentary spirit so native to the soil 
as in Baden, where the democrats, under 
the leadership of the Freiburg professors 
Karl von Rotteck 

Federal Council against the illegal imposi- 
tion of taxes by the Hanoverian govern- 
ment . The prevailing disunion enabled the 
faithless ruler to secure his victory ; the 
compliance of his subjects gave a fairly 
plausible colouring to his 
arbitrary explanation of 
these unconstitutional 
acts ; his policy was in- 
terpreted as a return to 
the old legal constitution, 
a return adopted, and 
therefore ratified, by the 
estates themselves. 
The Saxons had 
displayed far greater in- 
clination to riot and con- 
spiracy ; however, in that 
kingdom the transition 
from class privilege to 
constitutional govern- 
ment was completed 
without any serious nap- 
ture of the good relations 
between the people and 
the government ; both 
King Anthony and 
his nephew 
Augustus II., whom he 
had appointed co-regent, possessed suffi- 
cient insight to recognise the advantages 
of a constitution ; the co-operation of 
large sections of the community would 
define the distribution of those burdens 
which state ne- 
cessities inevit- 
ably laid upon 
the shoulders of 
They supported 
the Minister 
Bernhard August 
of Lindenau, one 
of the wisest 
statesmen in 
Germany under 
the old reaction- 
ary regime, when 
he introduced the 
constitution of 
Sei)tember 4th, 
1 83 1, which pro- 
vided a sufficient 
measure of repre- 
sentation for the citizen classes, and 
protected the peasants from defraudation ; 
they continued their support as long 
as he possessed the confidence of the 
Second Chamber. When his progressive 


and Karl Theodor 
W e 1 c k e r, the 
Heidelberg jurist 
Karl Joseph 
Mitterm.ayer, and 
the Mannheim 
high justice 
Johann Adam 
von Itzstein, had 
become pre- 
dominant in the 
Second Chamber. 
The constitu- 
tions of Bavaria 
and Hesse-Darm- 
stadt gave full 
licence to the 
expression of 
pubHc opinion in 

"One of the wisest statesmen in Germany," Bernhard August of 
Lindenau introduced the constitution of September -tth, 1831, which 
provided a sufficient measure of representation for the citizen classes, 
and protected the peasants. Karl Theodor Welcker was one of the 
Freiburg professors who became predominant in the Second Chamber. 

the Press and at public meetings. But hberal- 
ism was impressed with the insufficiency of 
the means provided for the expression and 
execution of the popular will ; it did not 
attempt to create an administrative policy 



which might have brought it into, line 
with the practical needs of the poorer 
classes. It hoped to attain its political 
ends by unceasing efforts to limit the 
power of the Crown and by extending the 
possibilities of popular representation. 
The result was distrust on the part of the 
dynasties^ the government 
, officials, and the classes in im- 


by the Press 

mediate connection with them, 
while the discontented classes, 
who were invariably too numerous even 
in districts so blessed by Nature as these, 
were driven into the arms of the Radical 
agitators, who had immigrated from 
France, and in particular from Strassburg. 
The very considerable freedom allowed 
to the Press had fostered the growth of a 
large number of obscure publications, 
which existed only to preach the rejection 
of all governmental measures, to discredit 
the monarchical party, and to exasperate 
the working classes against their more 
prosperous superiors. The numerous 
Polish refugees who were looking for some 
convenient and exciting form of occupation 
requiring no great expenditure of labour 
were exactly the tools and emissaries 
required by the leaders of the revolutionary 
movement, and to them the general 
sympathy with the fate of Poland had 
opened every door. The first disturbances 
broke out in Hesse -Darmstadt at the end 
of September, 1830, as the result of incor- 
poration in the Prussian Customs Union, 
and were rapidly suppressed by force of 
arms ; the animosity of the mob was, how- 
ever, purposely fostered and exploited by 
the chiefs of a democratic conspiracy who 
„, ^ were preparing for a general 

1 he Germans ■ • t \t -^o^^ 4-\ t> j- 

rismg. In May, 1832, the l<adi- 
reparing or ^^^^ prepared a popular meet- 
ing at the castle of Hambach 
near Neustadt on the Hardt. No disguise 
was made of their intention to unite the 
people for the overthrow of the throne and 
the erection of a democratic republic. The 
unusual occurrence of a popular mani- 
festation proved a great attraction. The 
turgid outpourings, seasoned with violent 

invectives against every form of modera- 
tion, emanating from those crapulous 
scribblers who were transported with 
delight at finding in the works of Heinrich 
Heine and Lewis Baruch Bornes induce- 
ments to high treason and anti-monarch- 
ical feeling, inflamed minds only too 
accessible to passion and excitement. As 
vintage advanced feeling grew higher, and 
attracted the students, including the 
various student corps which had regained 
large numbers of adherents, the remem- 
brance of the persecutions of the 'twenties 
having been gradually obliterated. 

At Christmas-time, 1832, an assembly of 
the accredited representatives of these 
corps in Stuttgart was induced to accede 
to the proposal to share in the forthcoming 
popular rising. The result was that after 
the emeute set on foot by the democrats 
in Frankfort-on-Main on April 3rd, 1833, 
when an attempt was made to seize the 
federal palace and the bullion there stored, 
Tk T -ki it was the students who chiefly 

Fafe of" ^^^^ ^^ P^y ^'^^' ^^^^^^ irrespon- 
ii.* \f J i sibility and lack of common 
the Students •'., . . 

sense ; the measures of intimi- 
dation and revenge undertaken by the 
German Government at the demand of 
Metternich fell chiefly and terribly on the 
heads of the German students. No dis- 
tinction was made between the youthful 
aberrations of these coips, which were 
inspired merely by an overpowering sense 
of national feeling, and the bloodthirsty 
designs of malevolent intriguers — for ex- 
ample, of the priest Friedrich Ludwig 
Weidig in Butzbach — or the unscrupulous 
folly of revolutionary monomaniacs, such 
as the Gottingen privat-dozent Von 

Hundreds of young men were consigned 
for years to the tortures of horrible and 
pestilential dungeons by the cold-blooded 
cruelty of red-tape indifferentism. The 
punitive measures of justice then enforced, 
far from creating a salutary feeling of 
fear, increased the existing animosity, 
as is proved by tlie horrors of the Re- 
volution of 1848. 












P\URING the period subsequent to the 
■^ Congress of Vienna a highly import- 
ant modification in tlie progress of German 
history took place, in spite of the fact 
that such expressions of popular feeling as 
had been manifested through the existing 
constitutional outlets had effected but 
little alteration in social and political life. 
This modification was not due to the diet, 
which, properly speaking, existed to pro- 
tect the common mterests of the German 
states collectively. It was the work of 
the Prussian Government, in which was 
concentrated the keenest insight into the 
various details of the public administration, 
and which had therefore become a centre 
of attraction for minds inclined to political 
thought and for statesmen of large ideals. 
In Germany the political movement had 
been preceded by a period of economic 
^ . progress ; the necessary pre- 

„ iimmary to such a movement, 

Progress j. • i i r . 

. J a certam level of prosperity 

m Germany , ^ • , i j .n 

and financial power, had thus 

already been attained. This achievement 
was due to the excellent qualities of most 
of the German races, to their industry, 
their thrift, and their godliness. The capi- 
tal necessary to the economic development 
of a people could only be gradually re- 
covered and amassed after the enormous 
losses of the French war, by petty land- 
owners and the small handicraftsmen. 

However, this unconscious national co- 
operation would not have availed to break 
the fetters in which the economic life of 
the nation had been chained for 300 years 
by provincial separatism. Of this oppres- 
sion the disunited races were themselves 
largely unconscious ; what one considered 
a burden, his neighbour regarded as an 
advantage. Of constitutional forms, of the 
process of economic development, the 
nation severally and collectively had long 

since lost all understanding, and it was 
reserved for those to spread such know- 
ledge who had acquired it by experience 
and intellectual toil. These two qualifi- 
cations were wanting to the Austrian 
Government, which had formed the German 

_,. , Federation according to its 

1 he Ignorance •, t- j.i 1 

J p r own ideas. Fven those who 

j>l ,. . . admire the diplomatic skill of 
Prince Metternich must admit 
that the Austrian chancellor displayed sur- 
prising ignorance and ineptitude in dealing 
with questions of internal administration. 

His interest was entirely concentrated 
upon matters of immediate importance to 
the success of his foreign policy, upon the 
provision of money and recruits ; of the 
necessities, the merits, and the defects of 
the inhabitants of that empire to which 
he is thought to have rendered such 
signal service, of the forces dormant in 
the state over which he ruled, he had 
not the remotest idea. 

The members of the bureaucracy whom 
he had collected and employed were, with 
few exceptions, men of limited intelligence 
and poor education ; cowardly and subser- 
vient to authority, they were so incompe- 
tent to initiate any improvement of 
existing circumstances that the first pre- 
liminary to any work of a generally 
beneficial nature was the task of breaking 
down their opposition. The Archduke 
John, the brother of the Emperor Francis, 
. a man fully conscious of the 

- V^ " ^ forces at work beneath the sur- 
Jonn as J- r ^ j j ■ 

„ , face, a man of steady and persis- 

Reformer , . re j 

tent energy, suiiered many a 

bitter experience in his constant attempts 

to improve technical and scientific training, 

to benefit agriculture and the iron trades, 

co-operative enterprises, and savings banks. 

The Emperor Francis and his powerful 

Minister had one aversion in common, 


which imphecl unconditional opposition to 
every form of human endeavour — an 
aversion to pronounced abiUty. Metter- 
nich's long employment of Gentz is to be 
explained by the imperative need for an 
intellect so pliable and so reliable in its 
operations, and also by the fact that Gentz 
would do anything for money ; for a 
position of independent activity, for a 
chance of realismg his own 
views or aims, he never had 
any desire. Men of indepen- 
dent thought, such as Johann 
Philipp of Wessenberg, were 
never permanently retained, 
even for foreign service. This 
statesman belonged to the 
little band of Austrian officials 
who entertained theories and 
proffered suggestions upon the 
future and the tasks before 
the Hapsburg monarchy, its 
position within the Federation, 
and upon further federal 
developments. His opinion 
upon questions of federal 

of the State 

Crowned Kingr of Prussia at 
.. , . Ill Konig-sberg in 1840, he promised 

reform was disregarded, and the introduction of reforms, which 

he fell into bad odour at the were not carried out. Becoming 

London conference, when his '"^^"^ '" ^^^^' ^^ ^'""^ ^" i^*^i- 

convictions led him to take an independent onslaught. 

position with reference to the quarrel 

between Belgium and Holland. 

The fate of the German Federation lay 

entirely in the hands of Austria, and 

Austria is exclusively responsible for the 

^ .. ... ultimate fiasco of the Federa- 
Metternich s , ■ i • i, i j_ ■\^ ^ 

tion, which she eventually de- 
serted. The form and character 
of this alhance, as also its after 

development, were the work of Metter- 

nich. People and Government asked for 

bread, and he gave them a stone. He 

conceived the state to be merely an insti- 
tution officered and governed by police. 

When more than twenty millions of 

Germans declared themselves a commercial 

corporation with reference to the world at 

large, with the object of equalising the 

conditions of commercial competition, of 

preventing an overwhelming influx of 

foreign goods, and of opening the markets 

of the world to their own producers — 

in that memorable year of 1834 the 

Austrian Government, after inviting the 

federal representatives to months of con- 
ferences in Vienna, could find nothing of 

more pressing importance to bring forward 

than proposals for limiting the effec- 
tiveness of the provincial constitutions as 

compared with the state governments, for 
increased severity in the censorship of the 
Press, and the surveillance of university 
students and their political activity. 

Student interference in political life 
is utterly unnecessary, and can only 
be a source of mischief ; but Metternich 
and his school were unable to grasp 
the fact that such interference ceases so 
soon as political action takes a 
practical turn. If Austria 
were disappointed in her ex- 
pectations of the German 
federal states, her feelings 
originated only in the fact that 
Prussia, together with Bava- 
ria, Wiirtemberg, Saxony, and 
Baden, entertained loftier 
views than she herself upon the 
nature of State existence and 
the duties attaching thereto. 
The kingdom of Prussia had 
by no means developed in 
accordance with the ex- 
pectations entertained by 
Metternich in 1813 and 
1815 ; it was a miUtary 
state, strong enough to 
repel any possible Russian 
but badly " rounded off," 
and composed of such heterogeneous 
fragments of territory that it could not 
in its existing form aspire to predominance 
in Germany. Prussia was as yet un- 
conscious of her high calling ; she was 
wholly spellbound by Austrian federal 
policy, but none the less she had com- 
pleted a task incomparably the most im- 
portant national achievement since the 
attainment of religious freedom — the foun- 
dation of the pan-Germanic Customs Union. 
Cotta, the greatest German book and 
newspaper publisher, and an able and 
important business man, had been able to 
shield the loyal and thoroughly patriotic 
views of Lewis L of Bavaria from the in- 
roads of his occasionally violent paroxysms 
of personal vanity, and had 
secured the execution of the 


of a Federal » . . -at at. o 

^ . ,, . Act of May 27th, 1820, pro- 
Customs Union ... r 1 
vidmg for a commercial 

treaty between Bavaria- Wiirtemberg and 
Prussia with Hesse-Darmstadt, the first 
two states to join a federal customs union. 
The community of interests between North 
and South Germany, in which only far- 
seeing men, such as Friedrich List, the 
national economist, had believed, then 
became so incontestable a fact that the 


commercial treaty took the form of a 
customs union, implying an area of uni- 
form economic interests. 

The "Central German Union," which was 

intended to dissolve the connection between 

Prussia and South Germany, and to neu- 

tralise the advantages thence 

o apse o derived, rapidly collapsed. It 
the Central , i ii - 

^ ,, . became clear that economic 

Oerman Union ... , ., 

mterests are stronger than 
political, and the dislike amounting to aver- 
sion of Prussia, entertained by the Central 
German governments became friendliness 
as soon as anything was to be gained by a 
change of attitude — in other words, when 
it seemed possible to fill the state ex- 
chequers. The electorate of Hesse had 
taken the lead in opposing the Hohen- 
zollern policy of customs federation ; as 
early as 183 1 she recognised that her 
policy of commercial isolation spelt ruin. 
A similar process led to the dissolution of 
the so-called " Einbeck Convention " of 
March 27th, 1830, which had included 
Hanover, Brunswick, Oldenburg, and the 
electorate of Hesse. Saxony joined Prussia 
on March 30th, as did Thiiringen on May 
nth, 1833 ; on May 22nd, 1833, the 

Bavarian- Wiirtemberg and the Prussian 
groups were definitely united. On 
January 1st, 1834, the union included 
eighteen German states, with 23,000.000 
inhabitants ; in 1840 these numbers had 
risen to twenty-three states with 27,000,000 
inhabitants. In 1841 the union was 
joined by Bninswick, and by Luxemburg 
in 1842 ; Hanover did not come in until 
September 7th, 185 1, when she ceased to 
be an open market for British goods. The 
expenses of administration and of guard- 
ing the frontiers were met from a common 
fund. The profits were divided among the 
states within the union in proportion 
to their population. In 1834 the profits 
amounted to fifteen silver groschen, one 
shilling and sixpence per head ; in 
1840, to more than twenty silver 
groschen, two shillings. 

In the secondary and petty states 
public opinion had been almost entirely 
opposed to such unions. Prussia was 
afraid of the Saxon manufacturing indus- 
tries, and Leipzig foresaw the decay of her 
great markets. The credit of completing 
this great national achievement belongs 
almost exclusively to the governments 


The foundations of this magnificent structure, regarded as one of the finest examples of Gothic architecture extant, were 
laid in 124s ; the work was renewed in 1S42, and in 18S0 the building- was completed according to the original plan. 



and to the expert advisers whom they 

called in. Austria now stood without 

the boundary of German economic unity. 

Metternich recognised too late that he 

had mistaken the power of this union. 

Proposals were mooted for the junction of 

Austria with the allied German states, 

but met with no response from the 

^. o, . industrial and manufacturing 
I he Shadow • , , i-i ^ ■ • i 

-, „ .... , interests. 1 he people miagmed 
of Political ^, ^ ^r 1 •■ • 

Q .. that a process ot division was 

Separation /T u • i i 

even then beginning which 

was bound to end in political separation ; 
but the importance of Prussia, which 
naturally took the lead in conducting the 
business of the union, notwithstanding 
the efforts of other members to preserve 
their own predominance and independence, 
became obvious even to those who had 
originally opposed the conclusion of the 
convention. The Wiirtemberg deputy 
and author, Paul Pfizer, recognised the 
necessity of a political union of the 
German states under Prussian hegemony, 
and saw that the separation of Austria 
was inevitable. 

In 1845, in his " Thoughts upon Rights, 
State and Church," he expounded the 
programme which was eventually adopted 
by the whole nation, though only after 
long struggles and severe trials. " The 
conditions," he there said, " of German 
policy as a whole seem to point to a national 
alliance with Prussia and to an inter- 
national alliance with the neighbouring 
Germanic states and with Austria, which 
is a first-class Power even apart from 
Germany. There can be no question of 
abolishing all political connection between 
Germany and Austria. In view of the 
danger threatening Germany on the east 
and west, nothing would be more foolish ; 
no enemy or rival of Germany can be 
allowed to become paramount in Bohemia 
and Central Germany. But the complete 
incorporation of Bohemia, Moravia, and 
Austria, together with that of the Tyrol, 
Carinthia, and Styria, would 
be less advantageous to Ger- 
many than the retention of 
these countries by a power 
connected with her by blood relationship 
and an offensive and defensive alliance, a 
power whose arm can reach beyond the 
Alps on the one hand, and to the Black 
Sea on the other." 

It was now necessary for Prussia to come 
to some agreement with the German 
people and the State of the Hapsburgs. 


Relations with 

For more than three centuries the latter 
had, in virtue of their dynastic power, 
become the representatives of the Romano- 
German Empire. Their historical position 
enabled them to lay claim to the leader- 
ship of the federation, though their power 
in this respect was purely external. 
Certain obstacles, however, lay in the way 
of any settlement. It was difficult to' 
secure any feeling of personal friendship 
between the South Germans and the 
Prussians of the old province. Some 
measure of political reform was needed, as 
well for the consolidation of existing powers 
of defence as for the provision of security 
to the individual states which might then 
form some check upon the severity of 
Prussian administration. 

Finally, there was the peculiar tempera- 
ment of Frederic William IV., who had 
succeeded to the government of Prussia 
upon the death of his father, Frederic 
William III., on June 7th, 1840. In 
respect of creative power, artistic sense, 
and warm, deep feeling, his character 
can only be described as brilliant. He 
was of the ripe age of forty-five, and his 
first measures evoked general astonish- 

^. „ .... ment and enthusiasm. But he 
Ihe Brilliant ,-j , xi ^ 

P . did not possess the strong grasp 

xirt,- t\T of his great ancestors an i 
William IV. ,, . o . J- ^, 

their power of guiding the 

ship through critical dangers unaided. 
He had not that inward consciousness of 
strength and that decisiveness which 
shrink from no responsibility ; least of all 
had he a true appreciation of the time and 
the forces at work. 

Prussia's great need was a constitution 
which would enable her to send up to 
the central government a representative 
assembly from all the provinces, such 
assembly to have the power of voting taxes 
and conscriptions, of supervising the 
finances, and of legislating in conjunction 
with the Crown. On May 22nd, 1S15, 
Frederic William III. had made some 
promises in this direction ; but these 
remained unfulfilled, as the government 
could not agree upon the amount of power 
which might be delegated to an imperial 
parliament without endangering the posi- 
tion of the executive. Such danger un- 
doubtedly existed. 

The organisation of the newly-formed 
provincial federation was a process 
which necessarily affected private interests 
and customs peculiar to the individual 
areas which had formerly been indepen- 


dent sections of the empire, and 
were now forced into alliance with other 
districts with which little or no connection 
had previously existed. The conflicting 
views and the partisanship inseparable 
from parliamentary institutions would 
have checked the quiet, steady work of the 
Prussian bureaucracy, and would in any 
case have produced a continual and un- 
necessary agitation. The improvements in 
the financia.1 condition created by the 
better regulation of the national debt, by 
the limitation of military expenditure, and 
the introduction of a graduated system of 
taxation, could not have been more 
successfully or expeditiously carried out 
than they were by such Ministers as 
Billow and Klewitz. 

So soon as the main part of this trans- 
formation of the Prussian state had been 
accomplished, prosperity began to return 
to the peasant and citizen classes, and the 
result of the customs regulations and the 
consequent extension of the market began 
to be felt. The citizens then began to feel 
their power and joined the inheritors of 
the rights formerly possessed by the 
numerous imperial and provincial orders in 
a demand for some share in 
the administration. It was 

Pledges of 
Prussian King 

found possible to emphasise 
these demands by reference to 
the example of the constitutional govern- 
ments existing in neighbouring territories. 
The speeches delivered by Frederic William 
IV. at his coronation in Konigsberg on Sep- 
tember loth, 1840, and at his reception of 
homage in Berlin on October 15th, 1840, in 
which he displayed oratorical powers 
unequalled by any previous prince, 
appeared to point to an immediate fulfil- 
ment of these desires. 

The king was deeply moved by the out- 
burst of national enthusiasm in German}^ 
which was evoked by the unjustifiable 
menaces directed against Germany by 
France in the autumn of 1840 during the 
Eastern comphcations. The Minister, 
Thiers, who had been in office since March 
ist, suddenly broke away from the Great 
Powers during the Turco-Egyptian war, 
and initiated a policy of his own in favour 
of Egypt — a short-sighted departure which 
obliged Great Britain, Russia, Austria, and 
Prussia to conclude the quadruple alliance 
of July 15th, 1840, with the object of com- 
pelUng Mehemet Ali to accept the con- 
ditions of peace which they had arranged. 
With a logic peculiarly their own, the 

French considered themselves justified 

in securing their immunity on the 

Continent, as they were powerless against 

England by sea. The old nonsensical 

argument of their right to the Rhine 

frontier was revived and they proceeded to 

mobilise their forces. The German nation 

made no attempt to disguise their anger at 

rnt « . .• so insolent an act of aggres- 
The Relations • ■■ , i n i- 

- „ sion, and showed all reachness 

of Uermany , ^ . u 1 r 

. „ to support the proposals for 

armed resistance. INikolaus 
Becker composed a song against the 
French which became extremely popular : 
For free and German is the Rhine, 
And German shall remain, 
Until its waters overwhelm 
The last of German name. 
The nation were united in support of 
their princes, most of whom adopted a 
dignified and determined attitude towards 
France. Then was the time for Frederic 
William IV. to step forward. Supported 
by the warlike temper of every German 
race, with the exception of the Austrians, 
who were in financial difficulties, and by the 
popularity which his speeches had gained 
for him, he might have intimidated 
France both at the moment and for the 
future. However, he confined himself 
to the introduction of reforms in the 
federal military constitution at Vienna, 
and thus spared Austria the humiliation 
of openly confessing her weakness. The 
result of his efforts was the introduction 
of a regular inspection of the federal 
contingents and the occupation of Ulm 
and Rastatt as bases for the concentration 
and movements of future federal armies. 

Thus was lost a most favourable op- 
portunity for securing the federal pre- 
dominance of Prussia by means of her 
military power, for she could have con- 
centrated a respectable force upon the 
German frontier more quickly than any 
other member of the Federation. More- 
over, the attitude of Prussia at the London 
conference was distinctly modest and in no 
way such as a Great Power 
should have adopted. The king's 
lofty words at the laying of the 
foundation stone of Cologne 
Cathedral on September4th, 1842, produced 
no deception as to his lack of political 
decision. Whenever a special .effort was 
expected or demanded in an hour of crisis, 
Frederic William's powers proved unequal 
to the occasion, and the confidence which 
the nation reposed in him was deceived. 



William a 


Prom the palming by liul.i wi the Metropolitan Museum of Art. New Vork 






4- I 







AFTER the Porte had given its consent 
to the protocol of February 3rd, 1836, 
the Great Powers of Europe addressed 
themselves to the task of reorganising the 
Greek kingdom. Thessaly, Epirus, ' Mace- 
donia, even Acarnania, remained under 
Turkish supremacy ; but a considerable 
portion of the Greek people, forming a 
national entity, though hmited in extent, 
was now able to begin a new and free 
existence as a completely independent state. 
This success had been attained by 
the rerharkable tenacity of the Greek 
nation, by the continued support of 
Great Britain, and, above all, by the 
pressure which the Russian co-reJigionists 
of the Greeks had brought to bear upon 
the Turkish mihtary power. The work 
of liberation was greatly hindered by the 
diplomacy of the other Great Powers, and 
particularly by the support given to the 
. , Turks, the old arch enemies of 
us na s Christendom, by Catholic Aus- 

th''*T°'^k° ^^^^' ^° Austria it is due that 
the Greek question has remained 
unsolved to the present day ; ^ that 
instead of developing its inherent strength 
the Greek nation is still occupied with 
the unification of its different tribeS; and 
that the Turkish state, which was hostile 
to civilisation, and has justified its ex- 
istence only by means of the bayonets of 
Anatolian regiments, still exists on suffer- 
ance as a foreign body within the political 
system of Europe. Once again the ob- 
stacle to a thorough and comprehensive 
reform of the political conditions within 
the Balkan Peninsula was the puerile fear 
of the power inherent in a self-determining 
nation, and,' in a secondary degree; a desire 
for the maintenance or extension. of influ- 
ence which might be useful in the peninsula. 
The true basis of such influence was not 
as yet understood. It is not the states- 
manship of ambassadors and attaches 
which gives a nation influence abroad, but 
its power to assert its will when its interest 

so demands. National influence rests 
upon the forces which the state can com- 
mand, upon the industry of its traders, 
the value and utihty of its products, the 
creative power of its labour and capital. 
The Greeks were now confronted with 
the difficult task of concen- 
trating their forces, accommo- 


After its 

dating themselves to a new 
political system, and making 
their independence a practical reality ; for 
this purpose it was necessary to create 
new administrative machinery, and for 
this there was an entire dearth of the 
necessary material. The problem was 
further complicated by the fact that a 
desperately contested war had not only un- 
settled the country, but reduced it almost 
to desolation. The noblest and the bravest 
of the nation' had fallen upon the battle- 
fields or under the attacks of the Janissaries 
and Albanians, or had been slaughtered 
and hurled into the flames of burning 
towns and villages, after the extortion 
of their money, the destruction of their 
property, and the ruin of their prosperity. 
The contribution of the European 
Powers to facilitate the work of recon- 
struction consisted of a king under age 
and 2,400,000 pounds at a high rate 
of interest. Prince Leopold of Coburg, 
the first candidate for the Greek throne, 
had unfortunately renounced his project ; 
he would have proved a capai)le and 
benevolent ruler, and would perhaps have 
adapted himself to the peculiar character- 
istics of Greek life and thought, with the 
• eventual result -of providing a 

ro cm o starting-point for the introduc- 

thc Oreek , • r ^ - -,• , ^ 

^,. tion of more Civilised and more 

modern methods, in conse- 
quence of his retirement, the presidency 
of Capodistrias continued for some time, 
until the murder of this statesman/ who 
had deserved well of his people, on October 
gth, 1831 ; then followed the short reign 
of his brother Augustine, who did not enjoy 



the recognition of the constitutional party, 
the Syntagmatikoi. Ultimately, by work- 
ing on the vanity of King Lewis of 
Bavaria, European diplomacy persuaded 
this monarch to authorise his son Otto, 
born on June ist, 1815, to accept the 
Greek throne. The government was to 
be carried on by three- Bavarian officials 
until the youth attained his 

° majority. This settlement was 
»ng o i^i'ought about by the London 
"Quadruple Convention" on 
May 7th, 1832, and is one of the most 
ill-considered pieces of work ever per- 
formed by the statesmen of the old school. 

Of the young prince's capacity as a 
ruler not even his father can have- had 
the smallest idea ; yet he was handed 
over to fate, to sacrifice the best years of 
his life in a hopeless struggle for power 
and recognition. The Greeks were fooled 
with promises impossible of fulfilment, 
and inspired with mistrust and hatred 
for their " benefactors." King Otto and 
his councillors had not the patience to 
secure through the National Assembly' a 
gradual development of such conditions 
as would have made constitutional 
government possible ; they would not 
devote themselves to the task of superin- 
tendence, of pacification, of disentangling 
the various complications, and restraining 
party action within the bounds of legality. 

The Bavarian officials, who might 
perhaps have done good service in 
Wiirzburg or Amberg, were unable to 
accommodate themselves to their Greek 
environment ; their mistakes aroused a 
passionate animosity against the Germans, 
resulting in their complete expulsion from 
Hellas in 1843. On March i6th, X844, 
King Otto was obliged to agree to the in- 
troduction of a new constitutional scheme, 
the advantages of which were hidden to 
him by the fact that it merely aroused 
new party struggles and parliamentary 
discord. Consequently he did not observe 
_. -, , this constitution with sufficient 
„. . conscientiousness to regain the 


rr. ■ v national respect. Disturbances 
Their King ■ ^., ^ f i ^i /- ■ 

in the Last and the Crimean 

War proved so many additional obstacles 
to his efforts, which were ended by a 
revolt in October, 1862, when the Greeks 
declined to admit their king within the 
Piraeus as he was returning from the 
Morea, and thus unceremoniously dis- 
missed him from their service. In 1830, 
Greece was definitively separated from 


Turkey ; and at the same time the 
insolence of the Dey of Algiers, hitherto 
under the Ottoman suzerainty, gave the 
Bourbon monarchy the chance of trying 
to recover its prestige with the nation 
by the seizure of Algeria. The piratical 
activity of the Barbary States was brought 
to an end. In Turkey also that move- 
ment was now beginning, which will be 
considered later, the literary and political 
revolution of the Young Turkish party. 

The indefatigable Mahmud, however, 
again resumed his efforts to secure the 
unity of the empire. But he was forced 
to give way to his Pasha of Egypt, Mehe- 
met Ali, one of the most important rulers 
whom the East had produced for a long 
time. He was born in 1769 at Kavala, in 
Roumelia, opposite the island of Thasos. 
He had gone to Egypt in 1800 with some 
Albanian mercenaries ; in the struggle 
with the French, English, and Mamelukes 
he had raised himself to supremacy, had 
conquered the Wahabites, subjugated 
Arabia and Nubia, and created a highly 
competent army by means of military 
reform upon a large scale. When Mahmud 
II. declined to meet his extensive demands 
„ . in return for the help he had 

Russian 1 ■, • j. xt. r- i 

J. . rendered agamst the Greeks, 

th T k Ihrahim, an adopted son of Me- 
hemet, a general of the highest 
class, invaded Syria in 1831, defeated the 
Turks on three occasions, conquered Akka, 
X832, and advanced to Kiutahia, in Asia 
Minor, in 1833. Mahnmd appealed to 
Russia for help. Russia forthwith sent 
15,000 men to the Bosphorus, whilst the 
fleets of France and England jealously 
watched the Dardanelles. Mehemet Ali was 
obliged to make peace on May 4th, 1833, 
and was driven back behind the Taurus. 

The most important result of these 
events, however, was the recompense 
which the Sultan was induced to give 
to the Russians for their help. He had 
been shown the letters of the French 
Ambassador, which revealed the intention 
of the Cabinet of the Tuileries to replace 
the Ottoman dynasty by that of Mehemet. 
The result was the convention of Hunkyar- 
Skalessi, the imperial stairs on the Bos- 
phorus, July 8th, or May 26th, 1833. In 
this agreement the terrified Sultan made 
a supplementary promise to close the 
Dardanelles in future against every Power 
that was hostile to Russia. When this 
one-sided convention, concluded in defi- 
ance of all international rights, became 


known, the Western Powers were naturally 
irritated, and Prince Metternich wittily 
designated the sultan as " le sublime 
portier des Dardenelles au service du 
tsar." The naval Powers withdrew their 
fleets from the Dardanelles, after entering 
a protest against this embargo. Mean- 
while, the will of the tsar was supreme 
both in Athens and Stamboul. 
T arwas Obeying his instructions, 
sar was ]y];ai-im^(j refused to allow the 
upreme Austrians to blast the rocks 
on the Danube at Orsova, or to permit 
his subjects to make use of the ships of 
the Austria-Hungarian Lloyd Company, 
founded in Trieste in 1,836 ; notwith- 
standing this prohibition the company 
was able to resume with success the old 
commercial relations of the Venetians 
with the Levant. The Russian ambas- 
sador discountenanced the wishes of the 
grand vizir and of the seraskier, who 
applied to the Prussian ambassador. 
Count Konigsmark, with a request for 
Prussian officers to be sent out, in view of 
a reorganisation of the army, which was in 
fact carried out under the advice of Moltke. 
In 1837 the first bridge over the Golden 
Horn was built, between Unkapau and 
Asabkapusi ; not until 1845 and 1877 was 
the new bridge constructed which is 
known as the Valide, after the mother of 
Abd ul-Mejid. On August i6th, 1838, 
the British ambassador Ponsonby secured 
the completion, in the house of Reshid 
Pasha at Balta-Nin on the Bosphorus, of 
that treaty respecting trade and customs 
duties, which has remained the model of 
all succeeding agreements. By way of 
recompense the British fleet accompanied 
the Turkish fleet during all its manoeu- 
vres in the Mediterranean, until its seces- 
sion to Mehemet Ali. War was declared 
upon him by Sultan Mahmud in May, 
1839, when the Druses had revolted against 
the Syrian authorities in the Hauran. 
However, the sultan died on July ist, 
before he could receive the 
«,** ° news of the total defeat of his 
M* h**^ a ^^^^y ^t Nisib on June 24th, 
and the desertion of his fleet in 
Alexandria on July 14th. At a later period, 
after his return to the Sublime Porte, 
Moltke vindicated the capacity which Hafiz 
Pasha had shown in face of the lack of dis- 
cipline prevailing in his army, although 
the seraskier had treated the suggestions 
of the Prussian officers with contempt. 
Ibrahim did not pursue his master's troops, 


as his own soldiers were too exhausted 

to undertake any further movements. 

Mahmud II. died a martyr to his own 

ideas and plans ; even his greatest reforms 

remained in embryo. However, his work 

lives after him ; he was the founder of a 

new period for Turkey, as Peter the Great, 

with whom he liked to be compared, had 

been for Russia. The difficulty of the 

political situation, the incapacity of his 

predecessors, the slavery imposed by the 

domestic government and court etiquette, 

were the real source of those obstacles which 

often caused him such despondency that 

he sought consolation in drunkenness, to 

the utter destruction of his powers. 

Abd ul-Mejid, 1839-1861, the son of 

Mahmud, undertook at the age of sixteen 

the government of a state which would 

irrevocably have fallen into the power of 

the Pasha of Egypt had not the ambitious 

plans of France been thwarted by the 

conclusion of the Quadruple Alliance on 

July 15th, 1840, between England, Russia, 

Austria, and Prussia. The interference of the 

alliance forced the victorious Pasha Mehemet 

Ali to evacuate Syria ; after the conclusion 

of peace he obtained the Island of Thasos, 

^, _ , , the cradle of his race, from the 
The Sultan s , , t j-u 

„. sultan, as an appanage 01 the 

thcpLha viceroys of Egypt, in whose 
possession it still remains. 
An important advance is denoted by the 
Hatti-sherif of Giilhane on November 3rd, 
1839, which laid down certain principles, 
on which were to be based further special 
decrees. The reformation proclaimed as 
law what had in fact long been customary, 
the theoretical equality of the subjects of 
every nation, race, and religion before the 
law. It must be said that in the execution 
of this praiseworthy decree certain prac- 
tical difficulties came to light. Reshid 
Pasha, the creator of the " hat," was not 
inspired by any real zeal for reform, but 
was anxious simply to use it as a means for 
gaining the favour of the Christian Powers. 
As early as 1830, for example, a census 
had been undertaken, the first throughout 
the whole Turkish Empire, the results of 
which were valueless. No official would 
venture to search the interior of a Moslem 
house inhabited by women and children. 
It was, moreover, to the profit of the 
revenue officials to represent the number 
of houses and families in their district as 
lower than it really was, with the object 
of filling their pockets with the excess. 
The Porte, unable to secure the obedience 


of the SjTians by a strong government 
like the miUtary despotism of Ibrahim, 
was equally unable to win over the 
country by justice and good administra- 
tion, for lack of one necessary condition, 
an honest official service. It was not to the 
" hat " of Gulhane of 1856, nor yet to the 
later Hatti-humayun, that reform was 
due, but to the European Powers associ- 
ated to save the crescent. These Powers 
suggested the only permanent solution 
by supplying the watchword "A la 
franca" ; and urged the Turks to acquire 
a completer knowledge of the West, to 
learn European languages and sciences, 
to introduce the institutions of the West. 

Literature also had to follow this 
intellectual change. Towards the end of 
the eighteenth century, a poet endowed 
with the powers of the ancient East had 
appeared in Ghalib, and a 
court poet in the unfortunate 
Sehm III. Heibet ullah Sul- 
tana, a sister of the Sultan 
Mahmud II., and aunt of the 
reforming Minister Fuad, also 
secured a measure of popu- 
larity. These writers were, 
however, unable to hinder the 
decay of old forms, or rather 
the dawn of a new period, 
the Turkish " modem age." 
The study of the languages of 
Eastern civilisation became 
neglected in view of the need 

of Protestant 

Shah into the Arabian Irak, Suleimanieh, 
Bagdad, Kerbela, and Armenia, a war 
wath Persia was threatened, and the dis- 
pute was only composed with difficulty by 
a peace commission summoned to meet 
at Erzeroum. Within the Danubian 
principalities the sovereign rights of 
the Porte were often in conflict with 
the protectorate poweis of 
Russia. In Scrvia, Alexan- 
der Karageorgevitch was 
solemnly appointed bashbeg, 
or high prince of Servia, by the Porte on 
November 14th, 1842 ; Russia, however, 
succeeded in persuading Alexander 
voluntarily to abdicate his position, 
which was not confirmed until 1843 by 
Russia, after his re-election at Topchider, 
near Belgrade. The Roman Catholic 
— uniate — Armenians, who had already 
endured a cruel persecution in 
1828, secured toleration for 
their independent Church in 
1835 and a representative of 
their own. A similar per- 
secution, supported by Russia 
from Etshmiadsin, also broke 
out against the Protestant 
Armenians in 1845. It was 
not until November, 1850, 
that their liberation was 
secured by the energetic am- 
bassador, Stratford Canning. 
Even more dangerous was the 
diplomatic breach between the 

of "^ the study of the West, in mltfcotdudeype^Jf wSh Porte and Greece, 1847. This 
The new generation kne-w Mehemet ah of Egypt, and in young state had grown insolent; 

i- T T' 1 ■ Tv/r J 1853 his resistance to Russia s -' ",, , +i,„ -d,,^ : „ 

more of La Fontaine, Mont- claims to a protectorate over his supported by the Russian 
esquieu, and Victor Hugo subjects led to the Crimean war. party which dominated the 
than of the Moslem classics. The poUtical Chamber of Deputies, Greece had availed 
need of reform made men ambitious to 
secure recognition for the drafting of a 
diplomatic note rather than for the com- 
position of a Kassited, or of a poem with 
a purpose. In the East as well as in the 
West mediaeval poetry became a lost art. 
By the Dardanelles Convention, which 
. , was concluded with the Great 

ussias Powers in London on July 
Bi*"k 's ^3th, 1841, the Porte consented 
to keep the Dardanelles and the 
Bosphorus closed to foreign ships of war 
in the time of peace. By this act the 
Turkish Government gave a much desired 
support to Russian aims at predominance 
in the Black Sea. In the same year it was 
necessary to suppress revolts which had 
broken out in Crete and Bulgaria. In 
consequence of the incursions of Mehmet 

herself of the helplessness of the Porte 
against Mehemet Ali, at the time when Abd 
ul-Mejid began his reign, to send help to 
the Cretans. The Prime Minister, Kolettis, 
1 844- 1 847, had repeatedly demanded the 
union of the Greeks. Continued friction 
ended in 1846 with a collision between 
the Turkish ambassador and the Greek 
king, with the breaking off of diplomatic 
relations, and with a revenge taken by 
the sultan upon his Greek subjects, which 
might almost have ended in war between 
Greece and Turkey, England and France. 
Not until September, 1847, ^^as an under- 
standing between the two neighbours 
secured, by the intervention of the tsar 
on the personal appeal of King Otto. 
Hans von Zwiedineck-Sldenhorst 
Heinrich Zimmerer 











""THE great revolutions which had taken 
•■• place in the political world since 1789 
were not calculated to produce satisfac- 
tion either among contemporaries or 
posterity. Disillusionment and fear of 
the degeneration of human nature, distrust 
of the capacity and the value of civic and 
political institutions, were the legacy from 
these movements. As men lost faith in 
political movement as a means of amelior- 
ating the conditions of life or improving 
morality, so did they yearn for the con- 
tentments and the consolations of religion. 
" Many believe; all would like to believe," 
said Alexis de Tocqueville of France 
after the July Revolution. However, 
the germs of piety, " which, though un- 
certain in its objects, is powerful enough 
in its effects," had already sprung to life 
during the Napoleonic period. Through- 
out the nineteenth century there is a 
general ^/earning for the restoration of true 
Christian feeling. It was a desire that 

„ ^ . _ evoked attempts at the for- 

Restored Power , • r t • - , • 

, .. mation of religious societies, 

Catholic Church o^^«=n °^ ^ very extraordin- 
ary nature, without attain- 
ing any definite object ; on the other hand, 
it opened the possibility of a magnificent 
development of the power of Catholicism. 

The progress of the movement had made 
it plain that only a Church of this nature 
can be of vital importance to the history 
of the world, and that the revival of 
Christianity can be brought about upon no 
smaller basis than that which is held by 
this Church. The force of the movement 
which resulted in the intensification of 
papal supremacy enables us to estimate the 
power of reaction which was bound to 
occur, though the oppression of this 
supremacy will in turn become intolerable 
and the foundations of ultramontanism 
and of its successes be shattered. 

The restoration of power to the Catholic 
Church was due to the Jesuit Order, 
which had gradually acquired complete 
and unlimited influence over the papacy ; 
for this reason the success attained was 


purely artificial. Jesuitism has no ideals ; 

for it, religion is merely a department of 

politics. By the creation of a hierarchy 

within a temporal state it hopes to secure 

full scope for the beneficent activity of 

Christian doctrine confined within the 

trammels of dogma. For this purpose 

Jesuitism can employ' any and every form 

_. „ , . of political government. It 
The Scheming , • - , r r 

_ ,. , has no special preference lor 

Policy of , ^ ^.u \ ■*. 

th J t monarch}^, though it simu- 
lates such a preference for 
dynasties which it can use for its own pur- 
poses ; it is equally ready to accommodate 
itself to the conditions of republican and 
parliamentary government. Materialism is 
no hindrance to the fulfilment of its task, 
the steady increase of the priestly power ; 
for the grossest materialism is accom- 
panied by the grossest superstition, and 
this latter is one of its most valuable 
weapons. While fostering imbecility and 
insanity, it shares in the hobbies of science, 
criticism and research. One maiden marked 
with the stigmata can repair any damage 
done to society by the well-meaning 
efforts of a hundred learned fathers. 

On August 7th, 1814, Pope Pius VII. 
issued the encyclical Sollicitiido oniniinn, 
reconstituting the Society of Jesus, which 
retained its original constitution and 
those privileges which it had acquired 
since its foundation. At the Congress of 
Vienna Cardinal Consalvi had succeeded 
in convincing the Catholic and Protestant 
princes that the Jesuit Order would prove 
a means of support to the Legitimists, and 

. ^ . would, in close connection 
Jesuit Order 

Supported by 
the Papacy 

with the papacy, undertake 
the interests of the roval 

houses — a device successfully 
employed even at the present day. This 
action of the papacy, a step as portentous 
for the destinies of Europe as any of those 
taken during the unhappy years of the 
first Peace of Paris, appeared at first com- 
paratively unimportant. The new world 
power escaped notice until the highly gifted 
Dutchman, Johann Philip of Roothaan, 


took over the direction on July gth, 1829, 
and won the Germans over to the Order. 
The complaisance with which the French 
and the Italians lent their services for the 
attainment of specific objects deserves ac- 
knowledgment. But even more valuable 
than their diplomatic astuteness in the 
struggle against intellectual freedom weie 
the bUnd unreasoning obedience and the 
strong arms of Flanders, Westphalia, the 
Rhine districts and Bavaria. At the 
outset of the thirties the society possessed, 
in the persons of numerous young priests, 
the implements requisite for destroying 
that harmony of the Churches which was 
founded upon religious toleration and 
mutual forbearance. B3' the same means 
the struggle against secular governments 
could be begun, where such powers had 
not already submitted by concordat to 
the Curia, as Bavaria had done in 1817. 

The struggle raged with 
special fury in Prussia, though 
this state, considering its 
very modest pecuniary re- 
sources, had endowed the 
new-created Catholic bishop- 
rics very handsomely. The 
Jesuits declined to tolerate 
a friendly agreement in things 
spiritual between the Catholics 
and Protestants in the 
Rhine territories, to allow 
the celebration of mixed 
marriages with the "passive ' - — - 

_• . ^^ ., r ., n .^ 1 ARCHBISHOP OF COLOGNE 

assistance of the Catholic . , , . , r. ^. ^ 

,, 1 . , 1 , ,, Archbishop Ferdinand worthily 

they objected to the fulfilled the duties of his hi^h 


arranged by his predecessor. His repeated 
transgression of his powers and his treat- 
ment of the Bonn professors obliged the 
Prussian Government to pronounce his 
deposition on November 14th, 1837, ^nd 
forcibly to remove him from Cologne. 

The Curia now protested in no measured 
terms against Prussia, and displayed 
Disloyal ^ gaUing contempt for the 
Prelate Pi'ussian ambassador, Bunsen, 
Punished ^'^^° ^^^^ exchanged the profes- 
sion of archagology for that of 
diplomacy. Prince Metternich had for- 
merly been ready enough to claim the 
good services of the Berlin Cabinet when- 
ever he required their support ; his 
instructive diplomatic communications 
were now withheld, and with some secret 
satisfaction he observed the humihation 
of his ally by Roman statecraft. The 
embarrassment of the Prussian adminis- 
tration was increased both by 
the attitude of the Liberals, 
who, with doctrinaire short- 
sightedness, disputed the 
right of the government to 
arrest the bishop, and by the 
extension of the Catholic 
opposition to the ecclesiast- 
ical province of Posen-Gnesen, 
where the insubordination and 
disloyalty of the archbishop, 
Martin von Dunin, necessi- 
tated the imprisonment of 
that prelate also. Those 
ecclesiastical dignitaries who 
were under Jesuit influence 

teaching of George Hermes, office and died on August 2nd, 1 8:35. p^ceeded to persecute such 

professor in the Cathohc faculty at the 
new-created university of Bonn, who 
propounded to his numerous pupils the 
doctrine that belief in revelation neces- 
sarily implied the exercise of reason, and 
that the dictates of reason must not 
therefore be contradicted by dogma. 

After the death of the excellent Arch- 
bishop Ferdinand of Cologne on August 2nd, 
The Defiant -"-^^D) the blind confidence of 
Archbishop the government elevated the 
of Cologne Prebendary Klemens August 
Freiherr von Droste-Vischer- 
ing to the Rhenish archbishopric. He 
had been removed from the general vicar- 
iate at Miinster as a punishment for his 
obstinacy. In defiance of his previous 
promises, the ambiguity of which had 
passed unnoticed by the Minister Alten- 
stein, the archbishop arbitrarily broke off 
the agreement concerning niixed marriages 

supporters of peace as the prince- bishop 
of Breslau, Count Leopold of Sedlnitzky, 
in 1840, employing every form of inter- 
collegiate pressure which the labours of 
centuries had been able to excogitate. 
In many cases congregations were ordered 
to submit to tests of faith, with which 
they eventually declined compliance. 

A more vigorous, and in its early 
stages a more promising, resistance 
arose within the bosom of the Church 
itself. This movement was aroused by 
the exhibition in October, 1844, of the 
" holy coat " in Treves, a relic sup- 
posed to be one of Christ's garments, 
an imposture which had long before 
been demonstrated ; an additional cause 
was the disorderly pilgrimage thereto 
promoted by Bishop Arnoldi. The 
chaplain, Ronge. characterised the 
exhibition as a scandal, and denounced 



the " idolatrous worship of reUcs " as one 
of the causes of the spiritual and political 
humiliation of Germany. He thereby 
became the founder of a reform move- 
ment, which at once assumed a character 
serious enough to arouse hopes that 
the Catholic Church would now undergo 
the necessary process of purification and 
_. _ . separation, and would break 

The Ruinous ^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ruinous in- 

Influcnce ^^g^^g ^^ Jesuitism. About 
of Jesuitism ^^^ hundred "German 
Catholic " congregations were formed in 
the year 1845, and a Church council was 
held at Leipzig from March 23rd to 26th, 
with the object of finding a common basis 
for the constitution of the new Church. 

However, it proved impossible to 
arrange a compromise between the 
insistence upon free thought of the one 
party and the desire for dogma and ritual 
manifested by the other. What was 
wanted was the uniting power of a new 
idea, brilliant enough to attract the uni- 
versal gaze and to distract attention from 
established custom and its separatist 
consequences. Great and strong characters 
were wanting, though these were indispen- 
sable for the direction and organisation of 
the different bodies who were attempting 
to secure their libej'ation from one of the 
most powerful tyrants that has ever 
imposed the scourge of slavery upon an 
intellectually dormant humanity. As long 
as each party went its own way, pro- 
claimed its own war-cry to be the only 
talisman of victory, and adopted new 
idols as its ensign, so long were they over- 
powered by the determined persistency of 
the Society of J esus. 

Within the Protestant Churches also a 
movement for intellectual independence 
arose, directed against the suppression of 
independent judgment, and the subjuga- 
tion of thought to the decrees of the 
" Superiors." The movement was based 
upon the conviction that belief should be 
„ , ^. controlled by the dictates of 

Revelations j ^ i i • j 

, „ . ..„ reason and not by ecclesiast- 
01 Scientific 1 ., ^:( T^ 

Criticis ^ councils. The Prussian 

Government limited the new 
movement to the utmost of its power ; at 
the same time it was so far successful that 
the authorities avoided the promulgation 
of decrees likely to excite disturbance and 
practised a certain measure of toleration. 
The revelations made by the scientific 
criticism of the evangelical school gave a 
further impulse in this direction, as these 


results were utilised by Strauss in his " Life 
of Jesus," 1835, and his "Christian Dogma, 
explained in its Historical Development 
and in Conflict with Modern Science," 
1840-X841, works which made an epoch 
in the literary world, and the importance of 
which remained undiminished by any 
measures of ecclesiastical repression. 

Among the Romance peoples religious 
questions were of less importance than 
among the Germans. In Spain, such ques- 
tions were treated purely as political 
matters ; the foundation of a few Protest- 
ant congregations by Manuel Matamoros 
exercised no appreciable influence upon 
the intellectual development of the Span- 
iards. The apostacy of the Rorrian prelate 
Luigi Desancti to the Waldenses and the 
appearance of scattered evangelical socie- 
ties produced no effect upon the position 
of the Catholic Church in Italy. In France, 
the liberal tendencies introduced by La- 
martine and Victor Hugo remained a 
literary fashion ; the efforts of Lacordaire 
and Montalembert to found national free- 
dom upon papal absolutism were nullified 
by the general direction of Roman policy. 
There was, however, one phenomenon 
deserving a closer attention 
-a phenomenon of higher 

Lamennais the 
Fiery Champion 

, ^. „ importance than any dis- 

of the Papacy i j 1 . i ■ 

played by the various 

attempts at religious reform during the 

nineteenth century, for the reason that its 

evolution displays the stages which mark 

the process of liberation from Jesuitism. 

Lamennais began his priestly career 
as the fiery champion of the papacy, 
to which he ascribed infallibility. He 
hoped to secure the recognition of its 
practical supremacy over all Christian 
governments. Claimed by Leo X. as the 
" last father of the Church," he furiously 
opposed the separatism of the French 
clergy, which was based on the " Galilean 
articles " ; he attacked the government 
of Charles X. as being " a horrible 
despotism," and founded after the July 
Revolution a Christian-revolutionary 
periodical, " L'Avenir," with the motto, 
" Dieu et Liberte — le Pape et le Peuple." 
By his theory, not only was the Church 
to be independent of the State ; it was also 
to be independent of State support, and 
the clergy were to be maintained by the 
voluntary offerings of the faithful. 

This demand for the separation of Church 
and State necessarily brought Lamennais 
into connection with political democracy ; 


hence it was but a step to the position that 
the Church should be reconstructed upon 
a democratic basis. This fact was patent 
not only to the French episcopate, but 
also to Pope Gregory XVI., who con- 
demned the doctrines of the " father of 
the Church," and, upon his formal sub- 
mission, interdicted him from issuing any 
further publications. Lamen- 
nais, like Arnold of Brescia or 
Girolamo Savonarola in earlier 
times, now recognised that this 
papacy was incompetent to fulfil the lofty 
aims with which he had credited it ; he 
rejected it in his famous "Paroles d'un 
Croyant " in 1834, and found his way to 
that form of Christianity which is based 
upon brotherly love and philanthropy 
and aims at procuring an equal share for 

Religion in 
and Scotland 

greatly prized possession was, however, 
threatened by the system of the Established 
Church, which forced upon the congrega- 
tions ministers who were not to their 
liking ; but this was in itself merely 
incidental to the more important and 
comprehensive fact that the " establish- 
ment " was subject to civil control, and 
that questions affecting it might be 
carried for decision to a court which was 
Scottish only in the sense that it contained 
a Scottish element — the House of Peers. 
The view rapidly gained ground that in 
matters regarded as spiritual the Church 
ought to be subject to no authority save 
its own ; in other words, that it ought to 
be free from state control. But that view 
was not general, nor was the state pre- 
pared to recognise it. It only remained, 

Newman Keble Pusejr 

Inspired by the desire to " awaken into new life a Church wliich was becoming- torpid by a revival of mediasval ideals 
and mediaeval devotion," and with the aim of counteracting the " danger to religion arising from a sceptical criticism, " 
the Tractarian movement in England had as its most notable champions Newman, Keble, and Pusey. Their 
teachings were in many quarters regarded as nothing but barely veiled "Popery," a view tliat was strengthened 
when Cardinal Newman went over to the Church of Rome, whither lie was followed by many of his disciples. 

men in the enjoyment of this world's goods. 
But in England and in Scotland there 
was considerable ferment on religious 
questions during the 'thirties and 'forties. 
German rationalism indeed would hardly 
have been permitted to obtain a foothold 
in either country ; when respectability 
was at its zenith, German rationalism 
was not regarded as respectable. In 
Scotland the crucial question was not one 
of theology, but of Church government ; 
in that country the national system of 
education combined with the national 
combativeness of character to make every 
cottar prepared to support his own religi- 
ous tenets with a surprising wealth of 
scriptural erudition; and " spiritual inde- 
pendence " was fervently cherished. That 

therefore, for the protesting portion of the 
community to sever itself from the state 
by departing from the Establishment and 
sacrificing its share in the endowments 
and privileges thereto pertaining. In the 
great Disruption of 1843 hundreds of 
ministers resigned their manses and 
churches rather than their principles ; 
and the Free Church took its place side 
by side with the Established Church as a 
self-supporting religious body, although in 
point of doctrine there was no distinction 
between the two communities, which were 
both alike Calvinist in theology and 
Presbyterian in system. 

The Tractarian movement in England 
was of a different type. On the one side, 
it was inspired by the desire to awaken 



into new life a Church which was becoming 
torpid, by a revival of mediaeval ideals and 
mediaeval devotion, to be attained through 
insistence on mystical doctrines, on the 
apostolic character of the priesthood, on 
the authority of the fathers of the Church 
as against the miscellaneous unauthorised 
and ignorant interpretations of the Srri]> 
tures, and on the 
historic and 
aesthetic attrac- 
tions of elaborate i§ 
ceremonial. On 
another side it 
sought especially 
to counteract 
the danger to 
r^eligion arising 
from a sceptical 
criticism, and ^ 
from the attacks 
of the scientific 
spirit which de- 
clmed to regard ^^^ social reformers owen and fourier 

convictions in the large spinning-works at New Lanark in Scotland, of which he StOOd 

and resulting in a movement which soon 
affected every nation. The great revolu- 
tion had accomplished nothing in this 
direction. The sum total of achievement 
hitherto was represented by certain dismal 
experiences of " State help " in the dis- 
tribution of bread and the subsidising of 
'Kikf^rs. The phrase inscribed in the 
"Cahiers " of the 
deputies of the 
Third Estate in 
1789 had now 
been realised in 
fact : " The voice 
of freedom has 
no message for 
the heart of the 
poor who die of 
hunger." Babeuf, 
the only French 
democrat who 
professed com- 
munistic views, 
was not under- 
by the 

^ r] rt n i f^ r\ nn was manager, Robert Owen put into practice his socialistic theories, i-naccAc onrl Kie 

d-UupLCU uu but his experiment was not permanently successful. Equally futile "'''•^^^^' '^"^ ^"^ 

authority as be- and unsatisfactory was Charles Fourier's project of the " Phalan- martyrdom. OUC 

ing knowledge. ^'^'^'" ^ "^"^ '""'^^ comnmnity having all things in comn-.on. ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^_ 

The "Tracts for the Times," from which 
the movement took its name, the teaching 
of John Henry Newman, of Keble, and of 
Pusey, who were its most notable cham- 
pions, alarmed the popular Protestantism 
— the more when Newman himself went 
over to the Church of Rome, whither he 
was followed by many of his disciples ; 
and " Puseyism " was commonly regarded 
as nothing but barely veiled " Popery." 
Newman would have had many more 
imitators if the greatest of his colleagues 
had not maintained their view that the 
doctrines of " The Church " are those of 
the Anglican Church, and refused to sever 
themselves from her. They remained, 
and it will probably be admitted that while 
their movement inspired the clerical body 
--not only their adherents, but their 
opponents also— to a renewed activity at 
the time, it had the further effect ulti- 
mately, though not till after a consider- 
able lapse of time, of attaching to itself a 
majority of the most energetic and the 
most intellectual of the clergy. 

That Christian sociahsm to which 
Lamennais had been led by reason and 
experience was a by-product of the 
numerous attempts to settle the pressing 
question of social reform, attempts begun 
simultaneously in France and England, 


necessary political murders of the Direc- 
tory, had aroused no movement among 
those for' whom it was undergone. 

The general introduction of machinery 
in man\ manufactures, together with the 
more distant relations subsisting between 
employer and workman, had resulted in 
an astounding increase of misery among 
the journeymen labourers. The working 
classes, condemned to hopeless poverty 
and want, and threatened with the de- 
privation of the very necessaries of exist- 
ence, broke into riot and insurrection ; 
factories were repeatedly destroyed in 
England at the beginning of the 
ac ory century ; the silk weavers of 

Kiots in T -• o 1 xt, 

p. . . Lyons in 1831 and the weavers 
'^^ ^^ of Silesia in 1844 rose against 
their masters. These facts aroused the 
consideration of the means by which 
the appalling miseries of a fate wholly 
undeserved could be obviated. 

Among the wild theories and fantastic 
aberrations of Saint-Simon were to be 
found many ideas well worth considera- 
tion which could not fail to act as a 
stimulus to further thought. The 
pamphlet of 18 14, " Reorganisation de 
la Societe Europeenne," had received no 
consideration from the Congress of Vienna, 
for it maintained that congresses were not 


the proper instrument for the permanent 
restoration of social peace and order. 
It was, however, plainly obvious that 
even after the much- vaunted " Restora- 
tion " the lines of social cleavage had 
rapidly widened and that the majority 
were oppressed with crying injustice. 

Not wholly in vain did Saint-Simon 
repeatedly appeal to manufacturers, in- 
dustrial potentates, l')usiness men, and 
financiers, with warnings against the 
prevailing sweating system ; not in vain 
did he assert in his " Nouveau Chris- 
tianisme," 1825, that every Church in exist- 

„ , ence had stultilied its Chris- 

£ u rope s , • •. , ,, 

_ tiamty by suppressmg the 

„ , ^ loftiest teaching of Christ, the 

Development i . ■ r i_ ^^i 1 1 

doctrme of brotherly love. 

No immediate influence was exerted upon 
the social development of Europe by 
Barthelemy 'Prosper Constantin's pro- 
posals for the emancipation of the flesh, 
and for the foundation of a new "theo- 
cratic-industrial state," or by Charles 
Fourier's project of the " Phalanstere," a 
new social community having all things in 
common, or by the Utopian dreams of 
communism expounded by Etienne Cabet 
in his " Voyage en Icarie." Such theorising 
merely cleared the way for more far-seeing 
thinkfers, who, from their knowledge of 
existing institu- 
tions, could de- 
monstrate their 
capacity of trans- 

In Britain, 
Robert Owen, 
the manager of 
the great spin- 
ning-w o r k s at 
New Lanark, in 
Scotland, was the 
first to attempt 
the practical 
realisation of a 

philosophical Marx 

social svstem pioneers c 

o<j>-ia,i o J o I. >^ 111 . yjjg founder and guide of an international organisation of the pro 
Owen S theories letanat, Karl Marx - '" 

facts thus ascertained were worked into 
a sociaUst system by the efforts of 
a German Jew, Karl Marx, born in 1818 
at Treves, a man fully equipped with 
Hegelian criticism, and possessed by an 
extraordinary yearning to discover the 
causes which had brought existing con- 
ditions of life to pass, a characteristic 
due, according to Werner Sombart, to 
" hypertrophy of intellectual energy." 

He freed the social movement from the 
revolutionary spirit which had been its 
leading characteristic hitherto. He placed 
one definite object before the movement, 
the " nationalisation of means of pro- 
duction," the method of attaining this end 
being a vigorous class struggle. Expelled 
from German soil by the Prussian police, 
he was forced to take up residence in 
Paris, and afterwards in London. There 
he gained an accurate knowledge of the 
social conditions of Western Europe, de- 
voting special attention to the important 
developments of the English trades-union 
struggles, and thus became specially 
qualified as the founder and guide of an 
international organisation of the prole- 
tariat, an indispensable condition of victory 
in the class struggle he had proclaimed. 
In collaboration with Friedrich Engel of 
Elbcrfcld he created the doctrine of 
^^ socialism, which 
remained the 
basis of the 
sociahst move- 
ment to the end 
of the nineteenth 
centur}'. That 
movement chief- 
ly centred in 
Germany, after 
Ferdinand Las- 
salle had assured 
its triumph in 
the sixties. The 
social movement 
exerted but httle 
political in- 

theories letariat, Karl Marx, a German jew, freed the social movement flueilCe UpOU the 

from its revolutionary spirit and placed before it the definite object p^,p,,fo aricincr 

P 1 *-* " of nationalisation of means of production. Ferdinand Lassalle was eveilTS arising 

may o 

finite advance, as demonstrating that 
capitalism as a basis of economics was 
not founded upon any law of Nature, 
but must be considered as the result of 
an 1 istorieal development, and that 
competition is not an indispensable 
stimulus to production, but is an obstacle 
to the true utilisation of labour. The 

g^ cle- also a prominent worker in the cause of social democracy in Germany, out of the Tulv 

Revolution ; its influence, again, upon the 
revolutions of the year 1848 was almost 
inappreciable. It became, however, a 
modifying factor among the democratic 
parties, who were looking to political 
revolution for some transformation of ex- 
isting public rights, and for some alteration 
of the proprietary system in their favour. 











The Zenith 

of Metternich's 


HTHE lack of initiative displayed by the 
•^ King of Prussia was a valuable help to 
Metternich in carrying out his independent 
policy. The old cliancellor in Vienna had 
become ever more profoundly impressed 
with the insane idea that Providence had 
specially deputed him to crush revolutions, 
to support the sacred thrones 
of Europe, Turkey included, 
and that he was the dis- 
coverer of a political system 
by which alone civilisation, morality, and 
religion could be secured. The great 
achievement of his better years was one 
never to be forgotten by Germany — the 
conversion of Austria to the alliance 
formed against the great Napoleon, and 
the alienation of the Emperor Francis 
from the son-in-law whose power was 
almost invincible when united with that 
of the Hapsburg emperor. At that time, 
however, Metternich was not the slave of 
a system ; his action was the expression 
of his will, and he relied upon an accurate 
judgment of the personalities he employed, 
and an accurate estimation of the forces 
at his disposal. 

As he grew old his self-conceit and 
an exaggerated estimate of his own 
powers led him blindly to follow those 
principles which had apparently deter- 
mined his earlier policy in every 
political question which arose during the 
European supremacy which he was able 
to claim for a lull decade after the Vienna 
Congress. His belief in the system — a 
belief of deep import to the destinies 
of Austria — was materially 
Co^ ^Y f sti'erigthened by the fact that 

„ .. . . Alexander L, who had long 
Metternich , , r . i 

been an opponent of the 

system, came over to its support before 
his death and recognised it as the 
principle of the Holy Alliance. The 
consequence was a degeneration of the 
qualities which Metternich had formerly 
developed in himself. His clear appre- 
ciation of the situation and of the main 


interests of Europe in the summer of 

18 13 had raised Austria to the most 

favourable position which she had occupied 

for centuries. Her decision determined 

the fate of Europe, and so she acquired 

power as great as it was unexpected. 

This predominance was the work of 

Metternich, and so long as it endured 

the prince was able to maintain his 

influence. He, however, ascribed that 

influence to the superiority of his own 

intellect and to his incomparable system, 

neglecting the task of consolidating and 

securing the power already gained. Those 

acquisitioris of territory which Metternich 

had obliged Austria to make were a source 

of mischief and weakness from the very 

outset. The Lombard- Venetian kingdom 

implied no increase of power, and its 

administration involved a constant drain 

of money and troops. The troops, again, 

which were drawn from an unwarlike 

^ . , population, proved unreliable. 
Death of K^,^ ^ ■. ir 

Ine possession itself neces- 
c mperor gj^g^^gj-| interference in Italian 

affairs, and became a constant 
source of embarrassment and of useless 
expense. Valuable possessions, moreover, 
in South Germany already in the hands of 
the nation were abandoned out of con- 
sideration for this kingdom, and acquisi- 
tions likely to become highly profitable 
were declined. Within the kingdom a 
state of utter supineness prevailed in 
spite of the supervision bestowed upon it, 
and the incompetence of the administra- 
tion condemned the state and its great 
natural advantages to impotence. 

Far from producing any improvement, 
the death of the Emperor Francis L, on 
March ist, 1835, caused a marked dete- 
rioration in the condition of the country. 
The Archdukes Charles and John were 
unable to override the supremacy of 
Metternich. As hitherto, they were unable 
to exercise any influence upon the govern- 
ment, which the ill-health and vacillatioi; 
of Ferdinand L. the successor, had 


practically reduced to a regency. Franz 
Anton, Count of Kolowrat-Liebsteinsky, 
attempted to breathe some life into the 
Council of State, but his efforts were 
thwarted by Metternich, who feared the 
forfeiture of his own power. 

The Tsar Nicholas upon his visit to 
Toplitz and Vienna, in 1835, had remarked 
that Austria was no longer capable of 
guaranteeing a successful policy, and that 
her "system" could not be maintained in 
practice, remarks which had done no good. 
It was impossible to convince Metternich 
that the source of this weakness lay in 
himself and his determination to repress 
the very forces which should have been 
developed. The Archduke Lewis, the 
emperor's youngest uncle and a member 
of the State Conference, was averse to 
any innovation, and therefore inclined to 
uphold that convenient system which laid 
down the maintenance of existing institu- 
tions as the first principle of statesmanship. 

Within Austria herself, however, the 

state of affairs had become intolerable. 

The government had so far decayed as to 

be incapable of putting forth that energy, 

. the absence of which the Tsar 

_" '' . ^ had observed. The exchequer 
Roused to J. T_ - J 1 

. . accounts betrayed an annual 

deficit of thirty million gulden, 
and the government was forced to claim 
the good offices of the class representa- 
tives, and, what was of capital importance, 
to summon the Hungarian Reichstag on 
different occasions. In that assembly the 
slumbering national life had been aroused 
to consciousness, and proceeded to supply 
the deficiencies of the government by 
acting in its own behalf. Count Szechenyi 
gave an impetus to science and art and 
to other movements generally beneficial. 
Louis Kossuth, Franz Pulszky, and 
Franz Deak espoused the cause of con- 
stitutional reform. 

A flood of political pamphlets pub- 
lished abroad, chiefly in Germany, ex- 
posed in full detail the misgovernment 
prevailing in Austria and the Crown 
territories. European attention was 
attracted to the instability of the 
conditions obtaining there, which seemed 
to betoken either the downfall of the 
state or a great popular rising. Austria's 
prestige among the other Great Powei's had 
suffered a heavy blow by the Peace of 
Adrianople, and now sank yet lower. 
Metternich was forced to behold the growth 
of events, and the accomplishment of 

deeds utterly incompatible with the 
fundamental principles of conservative 
statesmanship as laid down by the Con- 
gresses of Vienna, Carlsbad, Troppau, 
Laibach, and Verona. 

The July Revolution and the triumph of 
liberalism in England under William IV. 
caused the downfall of Dom Miguel, " king" 
Stir i °^ Portugal, who had been 

'■""g induced by conservative diplo- 
Portugal inacy to abolish the constitu- 
tional measures introduced by 
his brother, Dom Pedro of Brazil. To 
this policy he devoted himself, to his own 
complete satisfaction. The revolts which 
broke out against him were ruthlessly 
suppressed, and thousands of Liberals 
were imprisoned, banished, or brought 
to the scaffold. Presuming upon his 
success and relying upon the favour of 
the Austrian court, he carried his aggran- 
disements so far as to oblige Britain and 
France to use force and to support the 
cause of Pedro, who had abdicated the 
throne of Brazil in favour of his son, Dom 
Pedro II., then six years of age, and was 
now asserting his claims to Portugal. 

Pedro I . adhered to the constitutionalism 
which he had recognised over-seas as 
well as in Portugal, thus securing the 
support not only of all Portuguese Liberals, 
but also of European opinion, which had 
been aroused by the bloodthirsty tyranny 
of Miguel. The help of the British 
admiral, Charles Napier, who annihilated 
the Portuguese fleet at Cape San Vincent 
on July 5th, 1833, enabled Pedro to gain a 
decisive victory over Miguel, which the 
latter's allies among the French legitimists 
were unable to avert, though they hurried 
to his aid. His military and political 
confederate, Don Carlos of Spain, was 
equally powerless to help him. 

In Spain, also, the struggle broke out 

between liberalism and the despotism 

which was supported by an uneducated 

and degenerate priesthood, and enjoyed 

. , the favour of the Great Powers 

pain s ^ ^^ Eastern Europe. The con- 

cgcnera c fj^^j-g^^^Qj^ began upon the death 

Priesthood , t^- t^ t j a^tt 

of Kmg rerdmand VIL, on 
September 29th, 1833, the material cause 
being a dispute about the hereditary right 
to the throne resulting from the introduc- 
tion of a new order of succession. The 
decree of 1713 had limited the succession 
to heirs in the male line ; but the Prag- 
matic Sanction of March 29th, 1830, trans- 
ferred the right to the king's daughters, 



Isabella and Louise, by his marriage wiLli 

Maria Christina of Naples. Don Carlos 

declined to recognise this arrangement, 

and on his brother's death attempted to 

secure his own recognition as king. 

After the overthrow of Dom Miguel 

and his consequent retirement from 

Portugal, Don Carlos entered Spain in 

person with his adherents, 

./ ^ , who were chiefly composed of 
Movement .in r~ i'.- f .1 

. c • the Basques fightmg tor their 

in Spam • i • 1 x .< r " j 

special rights, lueros, and 

the populations of Catalonia and Old 
Castile, who were under clerical influence. 
The Liberals gathered rovmd the queen 
regent, Maria Christina, whose cause was 
adroitly and successfully upheld by the 
Minister, Martinez de la Rosa. The forces 
at the disposal of the government were 
utterly inadequate, and their fleet and 
army were in so impoverished a condition 
that they could make no head against the 
rebel movement. Under the leadership 
of Thomas Zumala-Carregui the Carlists 
won victory after victory, and would 
probably have secured possession of the 
capital had not the Basque general 
received a mortal wound before Bilbao. 

Even then the victory of the " Cristinos " 
was by no means secure. The Radicals 
had seceded from the Liberals upon the 
question of the reintroduction of the 
constitution of 18x2. The revolution of 
La Granja gave the Radicals complete 
influence over the queen regent ; they 
obliged her to accept their own nominees, 
the Ministry of Calatrava, and to recognise 
the democratic constitution of June 8th, 
1837. Their power was overthrown by 
Don Baldomero Espartero, who com- 
manded the queen's troops in the Basque 
provinces. After a series of successful 
movements he forced the Basque general, 
Maroto, to conclude the capitulation of 
Vergara on August 29th, 1839. The party 
of Don Carlos had lost greatly botli in 
numbers and strength, owing to the care- 
Queen Regent ^^^.^''''^^ ^"^^ pettifogging 
„ . ^ spirit of the pretender and the 
Forced f- ^ , . . 

i. Akj- t dissensions and domineering 
to Abdicate ... r , ■ ,• , i° 

spirit of his immediate ad- 
herents, who seemed the very incarnation 
of all the legitimist foolishness in Europe. 
When Carlos abandoned the country on 
September 15th, 1839, General Cabrera 
continued fighting in his behalf ; however, 
he also retired to French territory in July, 
1840. The queen regent had lost all claims 
to respect by her intrigues with one of 


her body-guard, and was forced to abdicate 
on October 12th. Espartero, who had 
been made Duke of Vittoria, was then 
entrusted by the Cortes with the regency. 

The extreme progressive party, the 
Exaltados, failed to support him, although 
he had attempted to fall in with their views. 
They joined the Moderados, or moderate 
party, with the object of bringing about 
his fall. Queen Isabella was then de- 
clared of age, and ascended the throne. 
Under the Ministry of Don Ramon ^laria 
Narvaez, Duke of Valencia, the constitu- 
tion was changed in 1837 to meet the 
wishes of the Moderados, and constitutional 
government in Spain was thus abolished. 
Though his tenure of office was repeatedly 
interrupted, Narvaez succeeded in main- 
taining peace and order in Spain, even 
during the years of revolution, 1848-1849. 

The moral support of the Great Powers 

and the invasion of the French army 

under the Duke of Angouleme had been 

powerless to check the arbitrary action of 

the Bourbons and clergy in Spain. No 

less transitory was the effect of the 

Austrian victories in Italy ; the Italian 

people had now risen to full 

».T^ J ^ . consciousness of the disgrace 
National i- j ■ .1 1 j <• 

jj. implied m the burden of a 

foreign yoke. The burden, 
indeed, had been lighter under Napoleon 
and his representatives than under the 
Austrians. The governments of Murat and 
Eugene had been careful to preserve at least 
a show of national feeling ; their military 
power was drawn from the country itself, 
and consisted of Italian regiments officered 
v/ith French, or with Italians who had 
served in French regiments. The French 
had been highly successful in their efforts 
to accommodate themselves to Italian 
manners and customs, and were largely 
helped by their common origin as Romance 
peoples. The Germans, on the other 
hand, with the Czechs, Magyars, and Croa- 
tians, v/ho form.ed the sole support of 
the Austrian supremacy in the Lombard- 
Venetian kingdom, knew but one mode of 
intercourse with the Italians — ^that of 
master and servant ; any feeling of mutual 
respect or attempt at mutual accommo- 
dation was impossible. 

A small number of better-educated 
Austrian officers and of better-class in- 
dividuals in the rank and file, who were 
preferably composed of Slav regiments, 
found it to their advantage to maintain 
good relations with the native population ; 



but the domineering and occasionally 
brutal behaviour of the troops as a whole 
was not calculated to conciliate the 
Italians. The very difference of their 
uniforms from all styles previously known 
served to emphasise the foreign origin 
of these armed strangers. Ineradicable 
was the impression made by their language, 
which incessantly outraged the delicate 
Italian ear and its love of harmony. 

Of any exchange of commodities, of any 
trade worth mentioning between the 
Italian provinces and the Austrian Crown 
lands, there was not a trace. The newly 
acquired land received nothing from its 
masters but their money. Italian con- 
sumption was confined to the limits of the 
national area of production ; day by day 
it became clearer that Italy had nothing 
whatever in common with 
Austria, and was without 
inclination to enter into 
economic or intellectual rela- 
tions with her. The sense of 
nationalism was strengthened 
by a growing irritation against 
the foreign rule ; this feeling 
penetrated every class, and 
inspired the intellectual life 
and the national literature. 

Vittorio Alfieri, the con- 
temporary of Napoleon, was 
roused against the French 
yoke by the movement for 
liberation. His successors, 
Ugo Foscolo, Silvio Pellico, 
Giacomo Leopardi, created 

a purely nationalist enthusi- ink year he abdicated the throne 

asm. Their works gave passionate expres- 
sion to the deep-rooted force of the desire 
for independence and for equality with 
other free peoples, to the shame felt by 
an oppressed nation, which was groaning 
under a yoke unworthy of so brilliantly 
gifted a people, and could not tear itself 
free. Every educated man felt and wept 
with them, and was touched with the 
purest sympathy for the unfortunate 
. , victims of policy, for the con- 

c^^A w k spirators who were languishing 
f °it 1 *" ^^ ^^^ Austrian fortresses. 
ay Highly valuable to the import- 
ance of the movement was the share taken 
by the priests, who zealously devoted 
themselves to the work of rousing the 
national spirit, and promised the support 
and practical help of the Catholic Church 
for the realisation of these ideals. It was 
Vincenzo Gioberti who first demonstrated 

to the papacy its duty of founding the 
unity of the Italian nation. Mastai 
Ferretti, Bishop of Imola, now Pope 
Pius IX., the successor of Gregory XVI., 
who died June ist, 1846, was in full 
sympathy with these views. To the 
Italians he was already known as a zealous 
. , . patriot, and his intentions 

Austria ^ , i n ■. ^ 

n- • . J • were yet more definitely 
Disappointed in 11,11 r 

^. p^ announced by the decree of 

apacy amnesty issued July 17th, 

1846, recalling 4,000 political exiles to the 
Church states. Conservative statesmen 
in general, and the Austrian Government 
in particular, had granted the Catholic 
Church high privileges within the state, 
and had looked to her for vigorous support 
in their suppression of all movement 
towards freedom. What more mortifying 
situation for them than the 
state of war now subsisting 
between Austria and papal 
Italy ! The Cabinet of Vienna 
was compelled to despatch 
reinforcements for service 
against the citizen guards 
which Pius IX. had called 
into existence in his towns, 
aid therefore in Ferrara, 
which was in the occupation 
of Austrian troops. 
• When Christ's vicegerent 
upon earth took part in the 
revolt against the "legitimist" 
power, no surprise need be 
at the action of that 
repentant sinner, Charles 
Albert of Sardinia. Formerly 
involved with the Carbonari, he had grown 
sceptical upon the advantages of liberalism 
after the sad experiences of 1821. He 
now renounced that goodwill for Austria 
which he had hypocritically simulated 
since the beginning of his reign in 1831. 
Turin had also become a centre of revo- 
lutionary intrigue. Opinion in that town 
pointed to Sardinia and its military 
strength as a better nucleus than the 
incapable papal government for a nation 
resolved to enter upon a war of liberation. 
Count Camillo Benso di Cavour, born 
August loth, i8io, the editor of the 
journal " II Risorgimento," strongly re- 
commended the investment of Charles 
Albert and his army with the military 
guidance of the revolt. The Milan no- 
bility were influenced by the court of 
Turin, as were the more youthful nation- 
alists and the numerous secret societies 


Succeeding- his father as King of , 
Sardinia, he pursued a policy of lelt 
moderation ; but declaring war 
against Austria in lS48,in the follow- 


which the July Revohition had broucjht 
into existence throughout Italy, by 
Giuseppe jMazzini, one of the most highly 
gifted and most dangerous leaders of 
the democratic party in Europe. 

Austria was therefore obliged to make 
preparations for defending her Italian 
possessions by force of arms. The ad- 
ministration as conducted by 
Aus na ^^^q amiable Archduke Rainer 
reparing ^^^^^ without power or influence. 
On the other hand, Count 
Radetzky had been at the head of the 
Austrian forces in the Lombard- Venetian 
kingdom since 1831. He was one of the 
first strategists of Europe, and no less 
distinguished for his powers of organisa- 
tion ; in short, he fully deserved the 
high confidence which the court and the 
whole army reposed in him. He was 
more than eighty years of age, for he had 
been born on November 4th, 1766, and 
had been present at the deliberations of 
the allies upon their movements in 1813 ; 
yet the time was drawing near when this 
aged general was to be the mainstay of the 
Austrian body politic, and the immutable 
corner-stone of that tottering structure. 

A very appreciable danger menacing 
the progress of nations toward self-govern- 
ment had arisen within the Swiss Con- 
federation, where the Jesuit Order had 
obtained much influence upon the govern- 
ment in several cantons. By the con- 
stitution of 1815 the federal members had 
acquired a considerable measure of inde- 
pendence, sufficient to permiit the adoption 
of wholly discordant policies by the 
different governments. The Jesuits aimed 
at the revival of denominational institu- 
tions to be employed for far-reaching 
political objects, a movement which 
increased the difficulty of maintaining 
peace between the Catholic and the 
reformed congregations. Toleration in 
this matter was provided by the consti- 

_^^ , .^ tution, but its continuance 
The Jesuits J- 11 J 11 .1 

• ^1. c • naturally depended upon the 
in the Swiss , , ,■•' ^^ ,, ^ 
„ - . .. abstention of either party 
Confederation . ^1^ , , ^ , 

from attempts at encroach- 
ment upon the territory of the other. In 
1833 ^^ unsuccessful attempt had been 
made to reform the principles of the 
federation and to introduce a uniform 
legal code and system of elementary 
education. The political movement then 
spread throughout the cantons, where the 
most manifold party subdivisions, ranging 
from conservative ultramontanists to 


radical revolutionaries, were struggling for 
majorities and predominance. In Aargau 
a peasant revolt led by the monks against 
the liberal government was defeated, and 
tiie Church i)roperty was sold in 1841, while 
in Ziirich the Conservatives were upper- 
most, and prevented the appointment of 
David Frederic Strauss to a professorship 
at the university. 

In Lucerne the ultramontanists stretched 
their power to most inconsiderate extremes, 
calling in the Jesuits, who had established 
themselves in Freiburg, Schw3'z, and 
Wallis, and placing the educational system 
in their care, October 24th, 1844. Two 
democratic assaults upon the government 
were unsuccessful, December 8th, 1844, and 
March 30th, 1845, but served to increase the 
excitement in the neighbouring cantons, 
where thousands of fugitives were nursing 
their hatred against ithe ultramontanes, 
who were led by the energetic peasant Peter 
Leu. The murder of Leu intensified the 
existing ill-feeling and ultimately led to 
the formation of a separate confederacy, 
composed of the cantons of Lucerne, 
Schwyz, Uri, .Unterwalden, Zug, Freiburg, 

„ . . ., and Wallis, the policy being 
Switzerland s j t j. j. 1 t-v • 

under Jesuit control. Ihis 

Catholic federation raised 
great hopes among conserva- 
tive diplomatists. Could it be strengthened, 
it would probably become a permanent 
counterpoise to the liberal cantons, which 
had hitherto been a highly objectionable 
place of refuge to those peace-breakers 
who were hunted by the police of the Great 
Powers. At the Federal Assembly the 
liberal cantons were in the majority, and 
voted on July 20th, 1847, for the dissolu- 
tion of the separate federation, and on Sep- 
tember 3rd for the expulsion of the Jesuits 
from the area of the new federation. 

At Metternich's p^-oposal, the Great 
Powers demanded the appointment of a 
congress to deal with the situation. 
However, the diet, distrusting foreign 
interference, and with good reason, de- 
clined to accede to these demands, and 
proceeded to put the federal decision into 
execution against the disobedient can- 
tons. Thanks to the careful forethought 
of the commander-in-chief, William Henry 
Dufour, the famous cartographer, who 
raised the federal military school at Thun 
to high distinction, and also to the 
rapidity with which the overwhelming 
numbers of the federal troops, 30,000 
men, were mobilised, the " Sonderbund 

of Refuge 


war '' was speedily brought to a close 
without bloodshed. Austrian help proved 
unavailing, and the cantons were eventu- 
ally reduced to a state of impotence. 

The new federal constitution of Septem- 
ber I2th, 1848, then met with unanimous 
acceptance. The central power, which was 
considerably strengthened, now decided 
the foreign policy of the country, peace 
and war, and the conclusion of treaties, 
controlling also the coinage, and the postal 
and customs organisation , and maintaining 
the cantonal constitutions. The theories 
upon the nature of the Federal State pro- 
pounded by the jurist professor, Dr. Johann 
Kaspar Bluntschli, were examined and 
adopted with advantageous results by the 
radical-liberal party, which possessed a 
majority in the constitutional diet. 

Bluntschli had himself espoused the 
conservative-liberal cause after the war 
of the separate federation, which he had 
vainly tried to prevent. Forced to retire 
from the public life of his native town, he 
transferred his professional activities to 
Munich and Heidelberg. The develop- 
ments of his political philosophy were not 
,^ without tlaeir influence upon 
those fundamental principles 



of Courage 

wluch have given its special 
political character to the con- 
stitution of the North German Federation 
and of the modern German Empire. The 
Swiss Confederation provided a working 
example of the unification of special 
administrative forms, of special govern- 
mental rights, and of a legislature limited 
in respect of its sphere of action, in 
conjunction with a uniform system of 
conducting foreign policy. Only such a 
government can prefer an unchallenged 
claim to represent the state as a whole 
and to comprehend its different forces. 

Metternich and the King of Prussia were 
neither of them courageous enough to 
support the exponents of their own prm- 
ciples in Switzerland. Prussia had a special 
inducement to such action in the fact of 
her sovereignty over the principality of 
Neuenburg, which had been occupied by 
the Liberals in connection with the move- 
ment against the separate federation, and 
had been received into the confederation 
as an independent canton. In the aris- 
tocracy and upper classes of the population 
Frederic William IV. had many faithful 
and devoted adherents, but he failed to 
seize so favourable an opportunity of 
defending his indisputable rights by occu- 

pying his principality with a sufficient 
force of Prussian troops. His vacillation 
in the Neuenburg question was of a piece 
with the general uneasiness of his temper, 
which had begun with the rejection of his 
draft of a constitution for Prussia and the 
demands of the representatives of the 
estates for the institution of some form of 
. constitution more honourable 

aci a ing ^^^ -^ consonance with the 

,"if . rights of the people. But rarely 
of Prussia , ° , , ^ , ■ r ■ "^ 

have the preparations for im- 
perial constitution been so thoroughly made 
or so protracted as they were in Prussia. 

From the date of his accession the 
king had been occupied without cessa- 
tion upon this question. The expert 
opinion of every adviser worth trusting 
was called in, and from 1844 commission 
meetings and negotiations continued un- 
interruptedly. The proposals submitted to 
the king emanated, in full accordance with 
conservative spirit, from the estates as 
constituted ; they provided for the reten- 
tion of such estates as were competent, 
and for the extension of their representa- 
tion and sphere of action in conjunction 
with the citizen class ; but this would not 
satisfy Frederic William. 

The constitution drafted in 1842 by 
the Minister of the Interior, Count 
Arnim, was rejected by the king in con- 
sequence of the clauses providing for 
the legal and regular convocation of the 
constitutional estates. The king abso- 
lutely declined to recognise any rights 
appertaining to the subject as against the 
majesty of the ruler ; he was therefore by 
no means inclined to make such rights a 
leading principle of the constitution. By 
the favour of the ruler, exerted by him in 
virtue of his divine right, the representa- 
tives of the original constitutional estates 
might from time to time receive a sum- 
mons to tender their advice upon questions 
of public interest. As the people had 
every confidence in the wisdom and con- 
scientiousness of their ruler, 
agreements providing for their 

William & 
His People 

co-operation were wholly super- 
fluous. " No power on earth," 
he announced in his speech from the 
throne on April nth. 1847, " would ever 
induce him to substitute a contractual 
form of constitution for those natural 
relations between king and people, which 
were strong, above all in Prussia, by reason 
of their inherent reality. Never under any 
circumstances would he allow a written 



paper, a kind of second providence, 
governing by paragraplis and ousting the 
old sacred faith, to intervene between 
God and his country." 

Such was the residuum of all the dis- 
cussion upon the Christian state and the 
" hierarchical feudal monarchy of the 
IMiddle Ages," which had been the work of 
the Swiss Lewis von Haller 
and his successors, the Berlin 

The Prussian 
King a Victim 
of Delusion 

author Adam Miiller, the Halle 
professor Hienrich Leo, and 
Frederic Julius Stahl, a Jew converted to 
Protestantism, whom Frederic William IV. 
had summoned from Erlangen to Berlin in 
1840. By a wilful abuse of history the 
wild conceptions of these theorists were 
explained to be the proven facts of the 
feudal period and of feudal society. Con- 
stitutional systems were propounded as 
actual historical precedents which had 
never existed anywhere at any time. 

The object of these efforts as declared 
by Stahl was the subjection of reason to 
revelation, the reintroduction of the Jewish 
theocracy into modern political life. 
Frederic William had allowed himself to be 
convinced that such was the Germanic 
theory of existence, and that he was for- 
warding the national movement by making 
his object the application of this theory to 
the government and administration of his 
state. He was a victim of the delusion 
that the source of national strength is 
to be found in the admiration of the 
intangible precedents of past ages, whereas 
the truth is that national strength must at 
every moment be employed to cope with 
fresh tasks, unknown to tradition and 
unprecedented. Notwithstanding the 
emphatic protest of the heir presumptive 
to the throne. Prince William of Prussia, 
to the Ministry, at the head of which was 
Ernest von Bodelschwingh, and though no 
single Minister gave an unqualified assent 
to the project, the king summoned the 
eight provincial Landtags to meet at Berlin 
. as a united Landtag for April 

^. ^\l^f, ° iith,i847. Even before the ouen- 

the United • r lu 1 1 -j. i 

, . nig of the assembly it became 

manifest that this constitutional 

concession, which the king considered 

a brilliant discovery, pleased nobody. The 

old Orders, which retained their previous 

rights, were as dissatisfied as the citizens 

outside the Orders, who wanted a share in 

the legislature and administration. The 

speech from the throne, a long-winded 

piece of conventional oratory, was marked 


in part by a distinctly uncompromising 
tone. Instead of returning thanks for the 
concessions which had been made, the 
Landtag proceeded to draw up an address 
demanding the recognition of their rights. 

The wording of the address was extremely 
moderate in tone, and so far mollified the 
king as to induce him to promise the 
convocation of another Landtag within 
the next four years ; but further negotia- 
tions made it plain that both the represen- 
tatives of the nobility and tlic city deputies, 
especially those from the industrial Rhine 
towns, were entirely convinced that the 
Landtag must persevere in demanding 
further constitutional concessions. 

The value to the state of the citizen class 
was emphasised by Vincke of Westphalia, 
Beckerath of Krefeld, Camphausen of 
Cologne, and Hansemann of Aix-la- 
Chapelle. These were capitalists and em- 
ployers of labour, and had therefore every 
right to speak. They were at the head of 
a majority which declined to assent to the 
formation of an annuity bank for relieving 
the peasants of forced labour, and to the 
proposal for a railway from Berlin to 
. Konigsberg, the ground of 
Dissension j-gf^g^^ ^^^ ^^i^^ ^-^eir assent 
in the '^ 


was not recognised by the Crown 
Ministers as necessary for the 
ratification of the royal proposals, but was 
regarded merely as advice requested by 
the government on its own initiative. 

The Landtag was- then requested to pro- 
ceed with the election of a committee to deal 
with the national debt. Such a committee 
would have been supeiHuous if financial 
authority had been vested in a Landtag 
meeting at regular intervals, and on this 
question the liberal majority split asunder. 
The party of Vincke-Hansemann declined 
to vote, the party of Camphausen-Becke- 
rath voted under protest against this en- 
croachment upon the rights of the Landtag, 
while the remainder, 284 timorous Liberals 
and Conservatives, voted unconditionally. 
The conviction was thus forced upon 
Liberal Germany that the King of Prussia 
would not voluntarily concede any measure 
of constitutional reform, for the reason that 
he was resolved not to recognise the rights 
of the people. Prussia was not as yet 
capable of mastering that popular upheaval, 
the beginnings of which could be felt, and 
using its strength for the creation of a Ger- 
man Constitution to take the place of the 
incompetent and discredited Federation. 
Hans von Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 




nPHE monarchy of Louis Philippe of 
■'• Orleans had become intolerable by 
reason of its dishonesty. The French can- 
not be blamed for considering the Orleans 
rulers as Bourbons in disguise. This scion 
of the old royal family was not a flourishing 
offshoot ; rather was it an excrescence, 
with all the family failings and with none 
of its nobler qualities. Enthusiasm for 
such prudential, calculating, and unim- 
passioned rulers was impossible, whatever 
their education or their claims. . Their bad 
taste and parsimony destroyed their credit 
as princes in France, and elsewhere their 
pos.ition was acknowledged rather out of 
politeness than from any sense of respect. 
The " citizen- king " certainly made 
every effort to make his government 
popular and national. He showed both 
jealousy for French interests and gratitude 
to the Liberals who had placed him on the 
thi'one ; he sent troops unsparingly to 
save the honour of France in Algiers. 
After seven years' warfare a completion 
was made of the conquest, which the 
French regarded as an extension of their 
power. The bold Bedouin sheikh, Abd el 
Kader, whose career has been described 
elsewhere, was forced to surrender to La- 
moriciere on December 22nd, 1847. Louis 

^^ „ , . Philippe imprisoned this 
The Bedouin 11 r -i j j. • 

_ . , noble son of the desert m 

Fnsoncr of t^ t,, 1 1 ■ 

, . _. ... France, although his son 
Louis Philippe T^j T^ , r ^ - 1 1 J 

Henry, Duke 01 Aumale, had 

promised, as Governor-general of Algiers, 

that he should have his choice of residence 

on Mohammedan territory. The king also 

despatched his son, the Due de Joinville, 

to take part in the war against Morocco, 

and gave him a naval position of equal 

importance to that which Aumale held in 

the army. He swallowed the insults of 

Lord Palmerston in order to maintain the 

" entente cordiale " among the Western 

Powers. He calmly accepted the defeat of 

his diplomacy in the Turco-Egyptian 

quarrel, and surrendered such 

°'' /"^ influence as he had acquired 

,./ * with Mehemet Ali in return 
Napoleon , j. • -i t\t 

lor paramountcy m the Mar- 
quesas Islands and Tahiti. He married 
his son Anton, Duke of Montpensier, 
to the Infanta Louise of Spain, with 
some idea of reviving the dynastic con- 
nection between France and Spain. 

While thus resuming the policy of Louis 
XIV., he was also at some pains to con- 
ciliate the Bonapartists, and 'by careful 
respect to the memory of Napoleon to 
give his government a national character. 
The remains of the great emperor were 
removed from St. Helena by permission of 
Britain and interred with gi'eat solemnity 
in the Church of the Invalides on 
December 15th, X840. Louis Bonaparte, 
the nephew, had contrived to avoid cap- 
ture by the Austrians at Ancona, and had 
proposed to seize his inheritance ; twice 
he appeared within the French frontiers, 
at Strassburg on October 30th, 1836, and 
at Boulogne on August 6th, 1840, in 
readiness to ascend the throne of France. 

He only succeeded in making himself 
ridiculous, and eventually paid for his 
temerity by imprisonment in the fortress 
of Ham. There he remained, condemned 
to occupy himself with writing articles 
upon the solution of the social question, 
the proposed Nicaraguan canal, etc., until 
his faithful follower. Dr. Conneau, 
G 4905 


smuggled him into 
England under the name 
of' Maurer Badinguet. 
Thus far the reign of 
Louis Phihppe had been 
fairly successful ; but the 
French were growing 
weary of it. They were 
not entirely without sym- 
pathy for the family to 
which they had given the 
throne,- and showed some 
interest in the princes, 
who were usually to be 
found wherever any small 
success might be achieved. 
The public sorrow was 
unfeigned at the death 
of the eldest prince. 
Louis, Duke of Orleans, 
who was killed by a fall 
from a carriage on July 


13th, 1842. These facts, 
however, did not produce 
any closer ties between 
the dynasty and the 
nation. Parliamentary 
life was restless and 
Ministries were constantly 
changing. Majorities in 
the Chambers were se- 
cured by artificial means, 
and by bribery in its 
most reprehensible forms. 
Conspiracies were dis- 
covered and suppressed, 
and plots for murder were 
made the occasion of the 
harshest measures against 
the Radicals ;• but no one 
of the gi'eat social groups 
could be induced to link 

The daughter of Ferdinand I., King- of Naples ^^^ fortUUeS permanently 
and later of the Two Sicilies, Marie Amelie . , -i ^^ ^Y -i ^ -U^-,-,JL 
was married to Louis Philippe in the year 1809. With thOSe of the HoUSe 

in this picture, from the painting by Horace Vernet, Louis Philippe i; shown with his sons, the Duke of Orleans, the Duke 
of Nemours, the Duke of Joinville, the Duke of Aumale, and the Duke of Montpensier, leaving the Palace of VersaUles. 



of Orleans. Unfortunately for himself, the 
king had reposed special confidence in the 
historian Guizot, the author of histories of 
the English revolution and of the French 
civilisation, who had occupied high offices 
in the state since the Restoration. He had 
belonged to the first Ministry of Louis 
Philippe, together with the Due de 
Broglie ; afterwards, he had several times 
held the post of Minister of Education, 
and had been in London during the quarrel 
with the British ambassador. After this 
affair, which brought him no credit, he 
returned to 
France, and on 
the fall of Thiers 
in October, 1840, 
became Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, 
with practical 
control of the 
foreign and dom- 
estic policy of 
France, subject 
to the king's 
personal inter 
vention. Hib 
doctrinaire ten- 
dencies had grad- 
u a 1 1 y brought 
him over from 
the liberal to the 
conservative side 
and thrown him 
into violent op- 
position to his 
former col- 
leagues, Thiers in 
particular. The 
acerbity of his 
character was 
not redeemed by 
his learning and 
his personal up- 
rightness ; his 
intellectual arro- 
gance alienated 
the literary and political leaders of Parisian 
society. The Republican party had under- 
gone many changes since the establishment 
of the July monarchy ; it now exercised a 
greater power of attraction upon youthful 
talent, a quality which made it an even 
more dangerous force than did the revolts 
and conspiracies which it fostered from 
1831 to 1838. These latter severely tested 
the capacity of the army for street warfare 
on several occasions. It was twice 
necessary to subdue Lyons, in November, 


1831, and July, 1834, and the barricades 
erected in Paris in 1834 repelled the 
National Guards, and only fell before the 
regiments of the line under General Bu- 
geaud. The Communist revolts in Paris 
under Armand Barbes and Louis Auguste 
Blanqui, in May, 1839, were more easily 
suppressed, tliough the Hotel de Ville and 
the Palais de Justice had already fallen 
into the hands of the rebels. 

These events confirmed Louis PhiUppe 
in his intention to erect a circle of fortifi- 
cations round Paris, for protection against 
enemies from 
within rather 
than from with- 
out. Homicidal 
attempts were 
no longer perpe- 
trated by indivi- 
dual desperadoes 
or bloodthirsty 
such as the Corsi- 
can Joseph 
Fieschi, on July 
28th, 1835, whose 
infernal machine 
killed eighteen 
people, including 
Marshal Mortier. 
They were under- 
taken in the 
service of repub- 
lican propa- 
gandism, and 
were repeated 
with the object 
of terrorising the 
ruling c la s s e s , 
and so providing 
an occasion for 
the abohtion oi 
the monarchy. 
The doctrines 
of communism 
were then being 
disseminated throughout France and 
attracted the more interest as stock- 
exchange speculation increased ; fortunes 
were made with incredible rapidity, and 
expenditure rose to the point of prodi- 
gality. Louis Blanc, nephew of the Cor- 
sican statesman Pozzo di Borgo, went a 
step further towards the transformation 
of social and economic life in his treatise 
" L'Organisation du Travail," which urged 
that coUectivist manufactures in national 
factories should be substituted for the 





efforts of the individual employer. The 
rise of communistic societies among the 
Republicans obliged the old-fashioned 
Democrats to organise in their turn ; they 
attempted and easily secured an under- 
standing with the advanced Liberals. 

The " dynastic opposition," led by 
Odilon Barrot, to which Thiers occasionally 
gave a helping hand when he was out of 
office, strained every nerve to shake the 
public faith in the permanence of the July 
dynasty. The republican party in the 
Second Chamber 
was led by Alex- 
andre ,R o 1 1 i n 
after the death of 
Etienne Garnier- 
Pages and of 
Armand Carrel, 
the leaders dur- 
ing the first 
decade of the 
Orleans m o n - 
archy. A dis- 
tinguished law- 
yer and brilliant 
orator, Roll in 
soon over- 
shadowed all 
other politicians 
who had aroused 
any enthusiasm 
in the Parisians. 
His comparative 
wealth enabled 
him to embark 
in journalistic 
ventures; .his 
paper " La Re- 
forme " pointed 
consistently and 
unhesitatingly to 
•republicanism as 
the only possible 
form of govern- 
ment after the 
now imminent 
downfall of the 

July monarchy. The action of the majority 
now destroyed such credit as the Chamber 
had possessed ; they rejected proposals 
from the opposition forbidding deputies to 
accept posts or preferment from the 
Government, or to have an interest in 
manufacturing or commercial companies, 
the object being to put a stop to the un- 
disguised corruption then rife. Constitu- 
tional members united with Republicans 
in demanding a fundamentalreform of the 


The sons of Louis Philippe, they held commands in the army, and, 
like their brothers, "were usually to be found wherever any small 
success might be achieved." There was much public sorrow when 
the Duke of Orleans was killed by a fall from a carriage in 1S42. 

cries were taken up 
Guard, and the king. 

electoral system. Louis Blanc and Rollin 
raised the cry for universal suffrage. Ban- 
quets, where vigorous speeches were made 
in favour of electoral reform, were ar- 
ranged in the autumn of 1847, and con- 
tinued until the Ciovernment prohibited 
the banquet organised for February 22nd, 
1848, in the Champs Elysees. However, 
Ch. M. Tannegui, Count Duchatel, was 
induced to refrain from ordering the 
forcible dispersion of the meeting, the 
liberal opposition on their side giving up 
the projected 
banquet. Agi-eat 
crowd collected 
on the appointed 
day in the Place 
whence it had 
been arranged 
that a procession 
should march to 
the Champs 
Elysees. The re- 
publican leaders 
invited the crowd 
to mai'ch to the 
Houses of Par- 
liament, and it 
became neces- 
sary to call out 
a ; regiment of 
cavalry for the 
dispersion of the 
rioters. This task 
was. successfully 
but on the 23rd 
the disturbances 
were renewed. 
Students and 
workmen pa- 
raded the streets 
arm in arm, 
shouting not only 
' ' Reform ! ' ' but 
also " Down with 
Guizot ! " These 
by the National 
who had hitherto 
disregarded the movement, began to con- 
sider the outlook as serious ; he dismissed 
Guizot and began to confer with Count 
Louis Matthieu Mole, a leader of the mod- 
erate Liberals, on the formation of a new 
Ministry. Thus far the anti -dynastic party 
had been successful, and now began to 
hope for an upright government on a purely 
constitutional basis. In this they would 



liave been entirely deceived, for upright- 
ness was not one ol the king's attributes. 
But on tliis point he was not to be tested. 
On the evening of February 23rd the 
crowds which thronged the boulevards 
gave loud expression to their delight at 
the dismissal of Guizot. Meanwhile, the 
republican agents were busily collecting 
the inhabitants of the suburbs, who had 
been long prepared for a rising, and 
sending them forward to the more excited 
quart I M^ ni 1I;: Hiey would not, in 

of those incidents which are always possible 
when troops are subjected to the threats 
and taunts of the people, and in such a 
case attempts to apportion the blame are 
futile. The thing was done, and Paris 
rang with cries of " Murder ! To artns ! " 
About midnight the alarm bells of Notre 
Dame began to ring, and thousands flocked 
to raise the barricades. The morning of 
February 24th found Paris in revolution, 
ready to begin the struggle against the 
people's king. " Louis Philippe orders his 

At the Church of the Invalides the body of Napoleon was received by Louis PhiUppe, the royal family, the archbishop 
?nd all the clergy of Paris. The sword and the hat of the emperor were laid on the coffin, which was then placed 
on a magnificent altar in the centre of the church, and after an impressive funeral service was lowered into the tomb. 

all probability, have been able to trans- 
form the good-tempered and characteristic 
cheerfulness which now filled the streets of 
Paris to a more serious temper had not an 
unexpected occurrence fiUed the mob with 
horror and rage. A crowd of people had 
come in contact with the soldiers stationed 
before Guizot's house. Certain insolent 
youths proceeded to taunt the officer in 
command ; a shot rang out, a volley 
iollov/ed, and numbers of the mockers lay 
weltering in their blood. It was but one 


troops to fire on the people, like Charles X. 
Send him after his predecessor ! " This 
proposal of the " Reforme " became the 
republican solution of the question. 

The monarchy was now irrevocably 
lost ; the man who should have saved it 
was asking help from the Liberals, who 
\^«re as powerless as himself. A would-be 
ruler must know how to use his power, 
and must believe that his will is force in 
itself. When, at his wife's desire, the 
king appeared on horseback before his 


The magnificent tomb erected to Napoleon atths Hotel des Invalides is a fitting memorial of the man who made Europe 
tremble and whose genius raised him to the pinnacle of power. A circular crypt, surrounded by twelve colossal figures 
symbolising his victories, contains the sarcophagus, which was hewn out of a single block of Siberian porphyry. 


Events in Paris had again been leading up to a revolution, and on February 24th, 1848, the capital of France was once 
more the scene of a people's rising against the monarchy. Alarmed at the course of affairs, the king abdicated in 
favour of his grandson, the Count of Paris, and went off to St. Cloud with the queen, afterwards escaping to England. 

.•-eginients and the National Guard, he knew 
within himself that he was not capable of 
rousing the enthusiasm of his troops. 
Civilian clothes and an umbrella would 
have suited him better than sword and 
epaulettes. Louis Philippe thus abdicated 
in favour of his grandson, the Count of 
Paris, whom he left to the 
care of Charles, Duke of 
Nemours, took a portfolio of 
such papers as were valuable, 
and went away to St. Cloud 
with his wife. The bold 
daughter of Mecklenburg, 
Henriette of Orleans, brought 
her son, Louis Philippe, who 
was now the rightful king, 
into the Chamber of Deputies, 
where Odilon Barrot, in true 
knightly fashion, broke a 
lance on behalf of the king's 
rights and of constitutional- 
ism. But the victors in the ^ . , u- . • r- ■ . 

. ./-ij- 1 1 I,,- Emment as an historian, Guizot 

Street fighting had made their became chief adviser to Louis Phi- 

wav into the ball thpir rnm- >'Ppe on the dismissal'of Thiers, and 

way into inc nail, Xneir com- ^is reactionary policy did much to 

radeS were at that moment bring about the revolution of 1848. 

invading the Tuileries, and Legitimists and 
Democrats joined in deposing the House 
of Orleans and demanding the appoint- 
ment of a provisional government. The 
question was dealt with by the "Chris- 
tian rnoralist," poet, and . diplomatist, 



Alphonse de Lamartine, whose " His- 
tory of the Girondists " in eight volumes 
with its glorification of political murder 
had largely contributed to advance the 
revolutionary spirit in France. Though 
the electoral tickets had fallen into the 
greatest confusion, he contrived to produce 
a list of names which were 
backed by a strong body of 
supporters ; these included 
Louis Garnier-Pages, half- 
brother of the deceased 
Etienne, Ledru-Rollin, the 
astronomer Dominique Fran- 
9ois Arago, the Jewish lawyer 
Isak Cremieux, who was 
largely responsible for the 
abdication of Louis Philippe, 
and Lamartine himself. The 
list was approved. The body 
thus elected effected a timely 
junction with the party of 
Louis Blanc, who was given 
a place in the government 
with four republican consulta- 
tive members. They then took 
possession of the Hotel de Ville, filled up 
the official posts, and with the concurrence 
of the people declared France a republic on 
February 25th. The dethroned king and 
the members of his house were able, if not 
unmenaced, at any rate without danger, 



to reach the coasts of England and 
safety, or to cross the German frontier. 
The new government failed to satisfy 
the Socialists, who were determined, after 
definitely establishing the " right of la- 
bour," to insist upon the right of the wage 
they desired. The installation of state 
factories and navvy labour at two francs 
a day was not enough for 
Demands ^j^^^^ . ^j^^^^ formed hundreds 

g . ^j. of clubs under the direction of 
a central bureau, with the 
object of replacing the government for the 
time being by a committee of public safety, 
which should proceed to a general redis- 
tribution of property. Ledru-Rollin was 
not inclined to accept the offer of the presi- 
dency of such an extraordinary body ; he 
and Lamartine, with the help of General 
Changarnier and the National Guards, 
entirely outmanoeuvred the hordes which 
had made a premature attempt to storm the 
town hall, and forced them to surrender. 

Peace was thus assured to Paris for 
the moment. The emissaries of the revolu- 
tionaries could not gain a hearing, and it 
was possible to go on with the elections, 
which were conducted on the principle of 
universal suffrage. Every 40,000 inhabi- 
tants elected a deputy ; every department 
formed a uniform electorate. Lamartine, 
one of the goo chosen, obtained 2,300,000 
votes in ten departments. The Assembly 
was opened on May 4th. 

To the organised enemies of monarchy 
the February Revolution was a call to 
undisguised activity ; to the world at 
large it was a token that the times of peace 
were over, and that the long-expected 
movement would now inevitably break 
out. It is not always an easy matter to 
decide whether these several events ori- 
ginated in the inflammatory labours of 
revolutionaries designedly working in 
secret, or in some sudden outburst of 
feeling, some stimulus to action hitherto 
unknown. No less difficult is the task of 
. deciding how far the conspira- 

„ \^ , tors were able personally to 
Enemies of • ^i . .1 n j- ^ a 

y. . mffuence others of radical ten- 
dencies but outside their own 
organisations. These organisations were 
most important to France, Italy, Germany, 
and Poland. The central bureaus were in 
Paris and Switzerland, and the noble 
Giuseppe Mazzini, indisputably one of the 
purest and most devoted of Italian patriots, 
held most of the strings of this somewhat 
clumsy network. His journals " Lci 


Giovine Europa " and " La Jeune Suisse " 
were as short-lived as the " Giovine Italia," 
published at Marseilles in 1831 ; but they 
incessantly urged the duty of union upon 
all those friends of humanity who were 
willing to share in the task of liberating 
peoples from the tyranny of monarchs. 

From 1834 3- special " union of exiles " 
had existed at Paris, which declared " the 
deposition and expulsion of monarchs an 
inevitable necessity," and looked for a 
revolution to break out in France or 
Germany, or a war between France and 
Germany or Russia, in the hope of assisting 
France in the attack upon the German 
rulers. Its organisation was as extra- 
ordinary as it was secret ; there were 
" mountains," " national huts," " focal 
points," " circles," wherein preparation 
was to be made for the transformation of 
Germany in the interests of humanity. 

The " righteous " had diverged from the 
" outlaws," and from X840 were reunited 
with the " German union," which aimed at 
" the formation of a free state embracing 
the whole of Germany." The persecutions 
and continual "investigations" which 
the German Federation had carried on 
_ since the riots at Frankfort 

c secu ions j^^^ impeded, though not 
of the German <• 1 1 1 rP 

„ . ^. entu'ely broken off, corn- 

Federation ■ ■'.. , . ' , 

munications between the cen- 
tral officials in Paris and their associates 
residing in Germany. From Switzerland 
came a continual stream of craftsmen, 
teachers, and authors, who were sworn in 
by the united Republicans. Karl Mathy, 
afterwards Minister of State for Baden, who 
had been Mazzini's colleague in Solothurn, 
was one of their members in 1840, when he 
was called to Carlsruhe to take up the 
post of editor of the " Landtagszeitung." 

The deliberations of the united Landtag 
at Berlin had attracted the attention of 
the South German Liberals to the highly 
talented politicians in Prussia, on whose 
help they could rely in the event of a 
rearrangement of the relative positions of 
the German states. The idea of some 
common movement towards this end was 
mooted at a gathering of politicians at 
Heppenheim on October i6th, 1847, and it 
was determined to lay proposals for some 
change in the federal constitution before 
the assemblies of the individual states. 

In the grand duchy of Baden the 
Democrats went even further at a meeting 
held at Offenburg on September 12th. 
Proceedings were conducted by a certain 


lawyer of Mannheim, one Gustav von 
Struve, an overbearing individual of a 
Livonian family, and by Friedrich Hecker, 
an empty-headed prater, also an attorney, 
who had already displayed his incapacity 
for political action in the Baden Landtag. 
To justifiable demands for the repeal of 
the decrees of Carlsbad, for national 
representation within the German Federa- 
tion, for freedom of the Press, religious 
toleration, and full liberty to teachers, 
they added immature proposals, as to the 
practicable working of which no one had 
the smallest conception. They looked not 
only for a national system of defence and 

members of the state. The king and 
poet, Lewis I., had conceived a blind in- 
fatuation for the dancer Lola Montez, 
an Irish adventuress — .Rosanna Gilbert — 
who masqueraded under a Spanish name. 
This fact led to the downfall of the 
Ministry, which was clerical without 
exception ; further consequences were 
street riots, unjustifiable measures against 
the students who declined to show respect 
to the dancing-woman, and finally bloody 
conflicts. It was not until the troops dis- 
played entire indifference to the tyrannical 
orders which had been issued that the 
king yielded to the entreaties of the 


fair taxation, but also for " the removal 
of the inequalities existing between capital 
and labour and the abolition of" all privi- 
leges." Radicalism thus plumed itself 
upon its own veracity, and pointed out 
the path which the masses who listened 
to its allurements would take — a result of 
radical incapacity to distinguish between 
the practicable and the unattainable. 

Immediately before the events of Feb- 
ruary in Paris were made known, the 
kingdom of Bavaria, and its capital in 
particular, were in a state of revolt and 
open war between the authorities and the 

citizens, on February nth, 1848, and 
removed from Munich this impossible 
beauty, who had been made a countess. 

The first of those surprising phenomena 
in Germany which sprang from the im- 
pression created by the February Revolu- 
tion was the session of the Federal Assembly 
on March ist, 1848. Earlier occurrences 
in the immediate neighbourhood of Frank- 
fort, no doubt materially influenced the 
course of events. In Baden,' before his 
fate had fallen upon the July king, Karl 
Mathy had addressed the nation from the 
Chamber on February 23rd : "For thirty 



years the Germans have tried moderation 
and in vain ; they must now see whether 
violence will enable them to advance, 
and such violence is not to be limited to 
the states meeting-hall ! " At a meet- 
ing of citizens at Mannheim on the 27th, 
an address was carried by Struve which 
thus formulated the most pressing ques- 
tions : Universal mihtary ser- 
J" vice with power to elect the 

o erman ^^^^^.^ unrestrained freedom 

°* ^ of the Press, trial by jury after 

the English model, and the immediate 
constitution of a German Parliament. 

In Hesse-Darmstadt, a popular deputy 
in the Landtag, one Gagern, the second 
son of the former statesman of Nassau 
and the Netherlands, demanded that 
the Government should not only call a 
Parliament, but also create a central 
governing power for Germany. The re- 
quest was inspired by the fear of an 
approaching war with France, which was 
then considered inevitable. It was fear 
of this war which suddenly convinced the 
high Federal Council at Frankfort-on- 
Main that' the people were indispensable 
to their existence. On March ist they 
issued " a federal decree to the German 
people," W'hose existence they had dis- 
regarded for three centuries, emphasising 
the need for unity between all the German 
races, and asserting their conviction that 
Germany must be raised to her due 
position among the nations of Europe. 

On March ist Herr von Struve led a gang 

of low-class followers in the pay of the 

Republicans, together with the deputies 

of the Baden towns, into the federal 

Chamber. Ejected thence, he turned upon 

the castle in Carlsruhe, his aim being to 

foment disturbances and bloody conflict, 

and so to intimidate the moderately 

minded majority. His plan was foiled 

by the firm attitude of the troops. But the 

abandonment of the project was not to be 

expected, and it was clear that the 

„ . . nationalist movement in Ger- 

,1, f-u I < many would meec with its 
(he Check to /, i i • -r-, t 

^ .. ,. most d? Tiger ous check m Radi- 

calism. 1 elegrams from Pans 

and West Germany reached Munich, when 

the newly restored peace was again broken. 

The new Minister, State Councillor von 

Berks, was denounced as a tool of -Lola 

Montez, and his dismissal was enforced. 

On IMarch 6th, King Lewis, in his usual 

poetical style, declared his readiness to 

satisfy the popular demands. However, 


fresh disturbance was excited by the 
rumour that Lola Montez was anxious to 
return. Lewis, who declined to be forced 
into the concession of any constitution 
upon liberal principles, lost heart and 
abdicated in favour of his son Maximilian 
II. He saw clearly that he could no 
longer resist the strength of the movement 
for the recognition of the people's rights. 
The political storm would unchain the 
potent forces of stupidity and folly which 
the interference of short-sighted majorities 
had created. When Lewis retired into 
private life, Metternich had already fallen. 
The first act of the Viennese, horrified 
at the victory of the Republicans in Paris, 
was to provide for the safety of their 
money-bags. The general mistrust of the 
Government was shown in the haste wuth 
which accounts were withdrawn from 
the public savings banks. It was not, 
however, the Austrians who pointed the 
moral to the authorities. On March 3rd, 
in the Hungarian Reichstag, Kossuth 
proposed that the emperor should be 
requested to introduce constitutional gov- 
ernment into his provinces, and to grant 
Hungary the national self-government 
which was hers by right. In 
Vienna similar demands were 
advanced by the industrial 
unions, the legal and political 
reading clubs, and the students. It 
was hoped that a bold attitude would 
be taken by the provincial Landtag, 
which met on March X3th. When the 
anxious crowds promenading the streets 
learned that the representatives proposed 
to confine themselves to a demand for 
the formation of a committee of deputies 
■ from all the Crown provinces, they invaded 
the council chamber and forced the meeting 
to consent to the despatch of a deputation 
to lay the national desire for a free con- 
stitution before the emperor. 

While the deputation was proceeding to 
the Hofburg the soldiers posted before the 
council chamber, including- the Archduke 
Albert, eldest son of the Archduke Charles, 
who died in 1847, w^ere insulted and pelted 
with stones. They replied with a volley. 
It was the loss of life thereby caused which 
made the movement a serious reality. 
The citizens of Vienna", startled out of 
their complacency, vied with the mob 
in the loudness of their cries against- 
this " firing on defenceless men." Their 
behaviour was explained to Count 
Metternich in the Hofburg, not as an 

Riots in 

the Streets of 



From the drauing by Wegiier 



ordinary riot capable of suppression by 
a handful of police, but as a revolution 
with which he had now to deal. Nowhere 
would such a task have been easier than in 
Vienna had there been any corporation or 
individual capable of immediate action, 
and able to make some short and definite 
promise of change in the 
government system. There 
was, however, no nucleus 
round which a new govern- 
ment could be formed, Prince 
Metternich being wholly im- 
practicable for such a purpose. 
All the state councillors, 
the court dignitaries, and 
generally those whom chance 
or curiosity rather than 
definite purpose had gathered 
in the corridors and ante- 
chambers of the imperial 
castle, were unanimous in the 
opinion that the Chancellor 
of State must be sacrificed. 

to draw up any programme for the 
introduction of constitutional principles. 
Even on March 14th they demurred to 
the word " constitution," and thought it 
possible to effect some compromise with 
the provincial deputations. Finally, . on 
March 15th, the news of fresh scenes 
induced the privy councillor 
of the royal family to issue 
the following declaration : 
" Provision has been made 
for summoning the deputies 
of all provincial estates in 
the shortest possible period, 
for the purpose of con- 
sidering the constitution of 
the country, with increased 
representation of the citizen 
class and with due regard to 
the existing constitutions of 
the several estates." The 
responsible Ministry of Kolo- 
LEWis I. OF BAVARIA wrat-Ficquclmout, formed on 

Ascending the throne in 1825, he IMarch iStll, included among 

This empty figiu-e-head stood il^^'^^J t^iZic' 6il!onll^^^^^ Metternich's worn-out tools 
isolated amid the surrounding and m the year i848 abdicated in ouc man only possessed of 
turmoil, unable to help him- /^"°"^°''''^^°'""'^^'''™'""" "• the knowledge requisite for 
self or his perplexed advisers ;* he emitted the drafting of a constitution in detail ; 

a few sentences upon the last sacrifice 
that he could make for the monarchy 
and disappeared. He left no one to take 
up his power ; no one able to represent 
him, able calmly and confidently to ex- 
amine and decide upon the demands 
transmitted from the street 
to the council chamber. The 
Emperor Ferdinand was 
himself wholly incapable of 
grasping the real meaning 
of the events which had 
taken place in his immediate 
neighbourhood. The Arch- 
duke Lewis, one of Metter- 
nich's now useless tools, was 
utterly perplexed by the con- 
flict of voices and opinions. 
In his fear of the excesses 
that the "Reds" might be 

this was the Minister of the Interior, 
Pillersdorf, who was as weak and feeble 
in character as in bodily health. 

In Hungary the destructive process was 
far more comprehensive and imposing. 
On March 14th Louis Kossuth in the 
Reichstag at Pressburg se- 
cured the announcement of 
the freedom of the Press, and 
called for a system of national 
defence for Hungary, to be 
based upon the general duty 
of military service. Mean- 
while, his adherents, con- 
sisting of students, authors, 
and "jurats" — idle lawyers — 
seized the reins of govern- 
ment in Ofenpest, and 
replaced the town council by 
a committee of public safety. 

expected to perpetrate, he t^J^^jng^sfavourTi^ composed of radical members 

lost sight of the means which with this Irish adventuress, who by preference. On the 15th 

might have been used to S^Montel" Lewis ^1 "be"lm°J the State Assembly of the 

pacify the moderate party infatuated, but ' ^ • - . ,- , 

and induce them to maintain *° '^"""^^ ^" 

law and order. The authorisation for the 

arming of the students and citizens was 

extorted from him perforce, and he would 

hear nothing of concessions to be made by 

the dynasty to the people. Neither he 

nor Count Kolowrat Liebsteinsky ventured 


was compelled Reichstag was transformed 
from Munich. -^^^ ^ National Assembly. 

Henceforward its conclusions were to be 
communicated to the magnates, whose 
consent was to be unnecessary. • 

On the same day a deputation of the 
Hungarian Reichstag, accompanied by 
jurats, arrived at Vienna, where Magyars 


and Germans swore to the fellowship with 
all pomp and enthusiasm.' The deputation 
secured the concession of an independent 
and responsible Ministry for Hungary. 

This was installed on March 23rd by the 
Archduke Palatine Stephen, and united 
the popular representatives among Hun- 
garian politicians, such as Batthyany and 
Szechenyi, with Prince Paul Eszterhazy, 
Josef von Eotvos, Franz von Deak, and 
Louis Kossuth. After a few days' delibera- 
tion the Reichstag practically abolished the 
old constitution. The rights of the lords 
were abrogated, and equality of politicall 
rights given to citizens of towns ; the right 
of electing to the Reichstag was con- 
ceded to " the adherents of legally 
recognised religions " ; laws were passed 
regulating the Press and the National 
Guards. The country was almost in a state 
of anarchy, as the old pro- 
vincial administrations and 
local authorities had been 
abolished and replaced by 
committees of public safety, 
according to the precedent 
set at Pest. The example of 
Austria influenced the course 
of events throughout Ger- 
many ; there the desire for a 
free constitution grew hotter, 
and especially so in Berlin. 

The taxation committees 
were assembled in that 
town when the results of 
the February 
became known. The king 
'dismissed them on March 7th, 

the excitement prevailing among the 

population of the Rhine province would 

only be increased by the appearance of 

the prince. Despatches from Vienna 

further announced the fall of Metternich. 

The king now resolved to summon the 

united Landtag to Berlin on April 17th ; 

M k * it he considered, no doubt, 
Mobs at the -1 . i-, . , ,, 

_ , jj , that Prussia could very well 

in Berlin exercise lier patience for a 
month. On March 15th the 
first of many riotous crowds assembled 
before the royal castle, much excited 
by the news from Vienna. Deputations 
constantly arrived from the provinces 
to give expression to the desire of 
the population for some constitutional 
definition of their rights. The king went 
a step further and altered the date of the 
meeting of the Landtag to April 2nd ; 
but in the patent of March 
i8th he explained his action 
by reference only to his duties 
as federal ruler, and to his 
intention of proposing a 
federal reform, to include 
" temporary federal repre- 
sentation of all German 
countries." He even recog- 
nised that " such federal 
representation implies a form 
of- constitution applicable to 
all German countries," but 
made no definite promise as 

MAXIMILIAN ii.-BAVARiA ^o any form of constitution 

Revolution He ascended the throne on his for Prussia. Nevertheless, in 

father's abdication in 1S4S. Anoble- ai „ Qft<^rnnnn h^ wqc rh*>pi-Arl 

minded man, he made an excellent ^^^^ altCrnOOn UC WaS CneeiCQ 

king, ruling his people on the ideal by the CrOwd . bcforC the 

declaring himself inclined to S^rounds of christian philosophy." ^^g^^^ g^^ ^j^g jg^^g^.^ ^^. 

summon the united Landtag at regular 
intervals. The declaration failed to give 
satisfaction. On the same day a popular 
meeting had resolved to request the king 
forthwith to convoke the Assembly. In the 
quiet town public life became more tlian 
usually lively. The working classes were 
excited by the agitators sent down to 
them ; in inns and cafes newspapers 

were read aloud and speeches 

made. The king was expecting 

an outbreak of war with France. 

He sent his confidential mili- 
tary adviser, Radowitz, at full speed 
to Vienna to arrange measures of defence 
with Metternich. He proposed tempo- 
rarily to entrust the command of the 
Prussian troops upon the Rhine to the 
somewhat unpopular Prince William of 
Prussia. However, he was warned that 

for War 

the mob, who desired a rising to secure 
their own criminal objects, turned grati- 
tude into uproar and bloodshed. The 
troops concentrated in the castle under 
General von Prittwitz were busy until 
midnight clearing the streets. 

The authorities had 12,000 men at their 
disposal, and could easily have -stormed 
the barricades next morning; but the 
king's military advisers were unable to 
agree upon their action, and his anxiety 
and nervousness were increased by the 
invited and uninvited citizens who made 
their way into the castle. He therefore 
ordered the troops to cease firing, and the 
next day. after receiving a deputation of 
citizens, commanded the troops to concen- 
trate upon the castle, and finally to retire, 
to barracks. The arguments of such 
Liberals as Vincke, and of the Berlin town 



The German 
States' Distrust 
of the King 

councillors, induced the king to this 
ill-advised step, the full importance of 
which he failed to recognise. It implied 
the retreat of the monarchical power 
before a riotous mob inspired only by 
blind antipathy to law and order, who, 
far from thanking the king for, sparing 
their guilt, proclaimed the 
retreat of the troops as a 
victory for themselves, and 
continued to heap scorn and 
insult upon king and troops alike. A 
new Ministry was formed on March 
19th, the leadership being taken by 
Arnim. On the 29th his place was taken 
by Ludolf Camphausen, president of the 
Cologne Chamber of Commerce, who was 
joined by Hanseman and the leaders of 
the liberal nobility, Alfred von Auerswald, 
Count Maximilian of Schwerin, and Hein- 
rich Alexander of Arnim. 
The Ministry would have 
had no difficulty in forming a 
constitution for the state had 
not the king reduced the 
monarchy to helplessness by 
his display of ineptitude. 
That honest enthusiasm for* 
the national cause which 
had led him on March 21st 
to escort the banner of black, 
red, and gold on horseback 
through the streets of Berlin, 
far from winning the popular 
favour for him, was scorned 


overshadowed by the struggle for 
supremacy waged by the masses under 
the guidance of ambitious agitators. 

On March 5th, 1848, fifty-one of the 
better known German politicians met at 
Heidelberg upon their own initiative by 
invitation ; their object was to discuss 
what common action they should take to 
guide a' general national movement in 
Germany. Most of them belonged to the 
Rhine states ; but Prussia, Wiirtemberg, 
and Bavaria were represented, and an 
Austrian writer who happened to be on the 
spot joined the meeting in order to place 
it in relation with Austria. The twenty 
representatives from Baden included the 
radical democrat Hecker, who even then 
spoke of the introduction of a republican 
constitution as a wish of the German 
people. He, however, was obliged to 
support the resolution of the 
majority, to the effect that 
the German nation must 
first have the opportunity 
of making its voice heard, for 
which purpose preparation 
must be made for the con- 
vocation of a German National 
Assembly. All were agreed 
upon the futility of waiting 
for the Federal Council to take 
action ; they must bring their 
influence to bear upon the 
council and the German gov- 
ernment by their own energy, 

1 n J T ^ ,1 T-. 1 This distinguished German his- , , , r i ■ i j 

and flouted by the Repub- torian was appointed Professor of by the use of accomplished 
licans. The energy displayed History at Bonn in 1842, and was facts, and by specific demands, 
in summoning the Pai-liament ^^ ^^^ ^ead of the constitutional a committee of seven mem- 
was too rapid a change, made liberals in the movement of 184S. |^g^.g ^^^g appointed to invite 

the German states distrustful, and exposed 
him to degrading refusals, which em- 
bittered his mind and lowered his dignity 
in the eyes of his own people. 

The united Landtag met on April 2nd, 
1848, and determined upon the convoca- 
tion of a National Assembly, for the pur- 
pose of forming a constitution upon the 
basis of universal suffrage. To this the 
Government agreed, at the same time 
insisting that the Prussian constitution 
was a matter for arrangement between 
themselves and the Assembly. During the 
elections, which took place simultaneously 
with those to the German Parliament, the 
democrats uttered their war-cr}^ to the 
effect that the resolutions of the Prussian 
National Assembly required no ratification. 
Thus the }X)pular claim to a share in the 
administration disappeared, and was 


a conference on March 30th, at Frank fort- 
on-Main, " of all past or present members 
of provincial councils and members of 
legislative assemblies in all German 
countries." together with other public men 
of special influence. This "preliminary 
coffference " was then to arrive at some 
resolutions for the election of the German 
National Assembly. Both the Federal 
Assembly and the majority 
of the German governments 
■\dewed these proceedings with 
favourable eyes ; they saw 
that the nation was at the highest pitch 
of excitement, and would be prevented 
from rushing into violence by occupation 
in political matters. The results of 
the Parisian revolution led them to 
think the overthrow of every existing 
form of government perfectly possible. 

The Saving 


of Politics 


From the drawing by C. Becker 




Movements in 

The only remaining course was to treat 
with the Liberals and enlist their support 
for the existing states and dynasties by the 
concession of constitutional rights. Only 
in Hanover and in the electorate of Hesse 
were there difficulties at the outset. 
However, the fall of Metternich shattered 
even the pride of Ernest Augustus and of 
the Elector Frederic William. 
Baden sent the Freiburg pro- 
fessor Karl Welcker to Frank- 
fort. On March 7th he pro- 
posed on behalf of his Government the 
convocation of a German Parliament to 
discuss and carry out the reform of the 
federal constitution in conjunction with 
the representatives of the Government. In 
Hesse-Darmstadt, Gagern made a similar 
proposal in the Chamber. The King of 
Wurtemberg called one of the members 
of the Heidelberg conference, Friedrich 
Romer, to the head of a new Ministry, 
to which Paul Pfizer also belonged. 

In Saxony, Frederic x\ugustus, after 
unnecessarily alarming the inhabitants of 
Leipzig by the concentration of troops, 
was obliged to give way, to dissolve 
the Ministry of Konneritz, and to entrust 
the conduct of government business 
to the leader of the Progressive Party 
in the Second Chamber, Alexander Braun. 
Of the Liberals in Saxony, the largest 
following was that of Robert Blum, 
formerly theatre secretary, bookseller, and 
town councillor of Leipzig. He was one of 
those trusted public characters who were 
summoned to the preliminarj^ conference, 
and directed the attention of his associates 
to the national tasks immediatelj^ con- 
fronting the German people. In the patent 
convoking the united Landtag for March 
i8th, even the King of Prussia had declared 
the formation of a " temporary federal 
representation of the states of all German 
countries " to be a pressing necessity ; 
hence from that quarter no opposition to 
the national undertaking of the Heidel- 

^ , berg meeting was to be ex- 

Conference f j t-- i- j j 

, pected. Five hundred repre- 

^ c* * sentatives from all parts of 

uerman States ^ i ^ t^ 1 j- j 

Germany met at i<ranklort- 

on-Main for the conference in the last da}'s 

of March ; they were received with every 

manifestation of delight and respect. The 

first general session was held in the Church 

of St. Paul, under the presidency of the 

Heidelberg jurist, Anton Mittermayer, a 

Bavarian by birth ; the conference was 

then invited to come to a decision upon one 


of the most important questions of German 
politics. The committee of seven had 
drawn up a programme dealing with the 
mode of election to the German National 
Assembly, and formulating a number of 
fundamental principles for adoption in the 
forthcoming federal constitution. These 
demanded a federal chief with responsible 
Ministers, a senate of the individual states, 
a popular representative house with one 
deputy to every 70,000 inhabitants of a 
German federal state, a united army, and 
representation abroad ; a uniformity in the 
customs systems, in the means of communi- 
cation, in civil and criminal legislation. 

This premature haste is to be ascribed 
to the scanty political experience of the 
German and his love for the cut and 
dried ; it gave the Radicals, who had 
assembled in force from Baden, Darm- 
stadt, Frankfort, and Nassau, under Struve 
and Hecker, an opportunity of demanding 
similar resolutions upon the future con- 
stitution of Germany. Hecker gave an 
explanation of the so-called " principles " 
propounded by Struve, demanding the 
disbanding of the standing army, the 
abolition of officials, taxation, and the here- 
ditary monarchy, and the 
institution of a Parliament 
elected without restriction 
under a president similarly 
elected, all to be united by a federal consti- 
tution on the model of the Free States of 
North America. Until the German demo- 
cracy had secured legislation upon these and 
many other points, the Frankfort conference 
should be kept on foot, and the government 
of Germany continued by an executive 
committee elected by universal suffrage. 

Instead of receiving these delectable 
pueriUties with the proper amount of 
amusement, or satirising them as they 
deserved, the moderate Democrats and 
Liberals were inveigled into serious dis- 
cussion with the Radicals. Reports of an 
insignificant street fight aroused their fears 
and forebodings, and both sides conde- 
scended to abuse and personal violence. 
Finally, the clearer-sighted members of 
the conference succeeded in confining 
the debate to the subjects preliminary 
to the convocation of the parliament. 
The programme of the committee of seven 
and the " principles " of the Radicals were 
alike excluded from discussion. Hecker' s 
proposition for the permanent constitution 
of the conference was rejected by 368 votes 
to 143, and it was decided to elect a 

of the Frankfort 


committee of fifty members to continue the 
business of the prehminary parhament. 

On the question of this business great 
divergence of opinion prevailed. The 
majority of the members were convinced 
that the people should now be left to decide 
its own fate, and to determine the legisla- 
ture which was to secure the recognition of 
its rights. A small minority were agreed 
with Gagern upon the necessity of keeping 
in touch with the Government and the 
Federal Council, and constructing the new 
constitution by some form of union 
between the national representatives and 
the existing executive officials. This was 
the first serious misconception of the Liberal 
party upon the sphere of action within 
which the Parliament would operate. They 
discussed the " purification " of the Federal 
Council and its " aversion to special reso- 
lutions of an unconstitutional nature ; " 
they should have united themselves firmly 
to the federal authorities, and carried 
them to the necessary resolutions. 

The mistrust of the liberals for the 
government was greater than their disgust 
at radical imbecility, a fact as obvious in 
the preliminary conference as in the National 
«,. ^, . , Assembly which it called into 

. °^ °*^'* probably the sole cause of the 
erm&ny f^^jjj^y Qf ^j^g efforts made 

by upright and disinterested representative 
men to guide the national movement in 
Germany. Franz von Soiron of Mannheim 
proposed that the decision upon the future 
German constitution should be left entirely 
in the hands of the National Assembly, to 
be elected by the people ; with this excep- 
tion, the constitutional ideal was aban- 
doned and a Utopia set up in its place not 
utterly dissimilar to the dream of " the 
republic with a doge at its head." Soiron, 
who propounded this absurdity, became 
president of the committee of fifty. 

The mode of election to the National Con- 
stituent Assembly realised the most extreme 
demands of the Democrats. Every 50,000 
inhabitants in a German federal province, 
East and West Prussia included, had to 
send up a deputy " directly " — that is to 
say, appointment was not made by any 
existing constitutional corporation. The 
Czechs of Bohemia were included without 
cavil among the electors of the German 
Parliament, no regard being given to the 
scornful refusal which they would probably 
return. The question of including the 
Poles of the Prussian Baltic provinces was 

left to the decision of the parliament itself. 
The Federal Council, in which Karl Welcker 
had already become influential, prudently 
accepted the resolutions of the preliminary 
conference and communicated them to the 
individual states, whose business it was to 
carry them out. Feeling in the different 
governments had undergone a rapid 
transformation, and in Prussia 
even more than elsewhere. 

Merged in 

On March 21st, after parad- 
ing Berlin with the German 
colours, Frederic William IV. had made 
a public declaration, expressing his readi- 
ness to undertake the direction of German 
affairs. His exuberance led him to the 
following pronouncement : "I have to-day 
asumed the ancient German colours and 
placed myself and my people under the hon- 
ourable banner of the German Empire. Prus- 
sia is henceforward merged in Germany." 

These words would have created a great 
effect had the king been possessed of the 
power which was his by right, or had 
he given any proof of capacity to rule his 
own people or to defend his capital from 
the outrages of a misled and passionately 
excited mob. But the occurrences at Berlin 
during March had impaired his prestige 
with every class ; he was despised by the 
Radicals, and the patriotic party mistrusted 
his energy and his capacity for maintaining 
his dignity in a difficult situation. 

Moreover, the German governments 
had lost confidence in the power of the 
Prussian state. Hesse-Darmstadt, Baden, 
Nassau, and Wiirtemberg had shown them- 
selves ready to confer full powers upon the 
King of Prussia for the formation, in their 
name, of a new federal constitution with 
provision for the popular rights. They 
were also wilhng to accept him as head of 
the federation, a position which he desired, 
while declining the imperial title with 
which the cheers of the Berlin population 
had greeted him. When, however. Max 
von Gagern arrived in Berlin at the head of 
an embassy from the above- 
mentioned states, the time for 
the enterprise had gone by ; a 
king who gave way to rebels 
and did obeisance to the corpses of mob 
leaders was not the man for the dictator- 
ship of Germany at so troublous a time. 

Notwithstanding their own difficulties, 
the Vienna government had derived some 
advantage from the events at Berlin ; 
there was no reason for them to resign 
their position in Germany. The Emperor 


William not a 


Ferdinand need never yield to Frederic 
William IV. The Austrian statesmen were 
sure of the approval of the German people, 
even of the national and progressive parties, 
if they straightway opposed Prussian 
interference in German politics. Relying 
upon nationalist sentiment and appealing 
to national sovereignty, they might play 
, oH the German parliament 
^.^ "^^^ against the King of Prussia. 

Claims A . • xi 1- • 

J . . Austria was, upon the showmg 
of the government and the 
popular leaders, the real Germany. Austria 
claimed the precedence of all German 
races, and therefore the black, red, and 
gold banner flew on the Tower of 
Stephan, and the kindly emperor waved 
it before the students, who cheered him 
in the castle. The offer of Prussian 
leadership was declined ; the German 
constitution was to be arranged by the 
federal council and the parliament, and 
Austria would there be able to retain 
the leading position which was her right. 

The case of the King of Prussia was suffi- 
ciently disheartening ; but no less serious 
for the development of the German move- 
ment was the attitude of the Liberals 
towards the Republicans. The professions 
and avowals of the latter had not been 
declined with the decisiveness that belong 
to honest monarchical conviction. Even 
before the meeting of Parliament dis- 
turbances had been set on foot by the 
Baden Radicals, and it became obvious 
that Radicalism could result only in civil 
war and would imperil the national welfare. 

The Struve-Hecker party was deeply 
disappointed with the results of the pre- 
Hminary conference. It had not taken 
over the government of Germany ; no 
princes had been deposed, and even the 
federal council had been left untouched. 
The leaders, impelled thereto by their 
French associates, accordingly resolved to 
initiate an armed revolt in favour of the 
republic. The " moderate " party had 
The Mad cleared the way by assenting 
Schemed of ^° ^^^ proposal of " national 
Agitators armament." Under the pretext 
of initiating a scheme of public 
defence, arms for the destruction of con- 
stitutional order were placed in the hands 
of the ruffians who had been wandering 
about the Rhineland for weeks in the hope 
of robbery and plunder, posing as the 
retinue of the great " friends of the people." 
Acuter politicians, like Karl Mathy, dis- 
covered too late that it was now necessary 


to stake their whole personal influence in 

the struggle against radical insanity and 

the madness of popular agitators. In 

person he arrested the agitator Joseph 

Fickler, when starting from Karlsruhe to 

Constance to stir up insurrection ; but his 

bold example found few imitators. The 

evil was not thoroughly extirpated, as the 

" people's men " could not refrain from 

repeating meaningless promises of popular 

supremacy and the downfall of tyrants at 

every public-house and platform where 

they thought they could secure the applause 

for which they thirsted like actors. 

Hecker had maintained communications 

with other countries from Karlsruhe, and 

had been negotiating for the advance of 

contingents from Paris, to be paid from 

the resources of Ledru-Rollin. After 

Fickler's imprisonment on April 8th he 

became alarmed for his own safety, and 

fled to Constance. There, in conjunction 

with Struve and his subordinates, Doll, 

Willich, formerly a Prussian lieutenant, 

Mogling of Wiirtemberg, and Bruhe of 

Holstein, he issued an appeal to all who 

were capable of bearing arms to concen- 

trate at Donaueschingen on 

April 12th, for the purpose of 

_ ... founding the German republic. 
Republicans ttt-,, ° , i- r nr^ 

With a republican army of fifty 

men he marched on the 13th from Con- 
stance, where the republic had maintained 
its existence for a whole day. In the plains 
of the Rhine a junction was to be effected 
with the " legion of the noble Franks," 
led by the poet George Herwegh and his 
Jewish wife. In vain did two deputies 
from the committee of fifty* in Frankfort 
advise the Republicans to lay down their 
arms. Their overtures were rejected with 
contumely. The eighth federal army corps 
had been rapidly mobilised, and the troops 
of Hesse and Wiirtemberg brought this 
insane enterprise to an end in the almost 
bloodless conflicts of Kandern on April 20th, 
and Giintersthal at Freiburg on April 23rd, 
The Republicans were given neither time 
nor opportunity^ for any display of their 
Teutonic heroism. Their sole exploit was 
the shooting of thfe general Friedrich von 
Gagern from an ambush as he was return- 
ing to his troops from an unsuccessful 
conference with Hecker. Herwegh 's French 
legion was dispersed at Dossenbach on 
April 26th by a company of Wiirtemberg 
troops. These warriors took refuge for the 
time being in Switzerland with the "gen- 
erals" Hecker, Struve, and Franz Siegl. 








AS early as Jarraary, 1848, the popula- 
tion of the Lombard States had begun 
openly to display their animosity to the 
Austrians. The secret revolutionary com- 
mittees, who took their instructions from 
Rome and Turin, organised demonstra- 
tions, and forbade the purchase of Aus- 
trian cigars and lottery tickets, the profits 
of which went to the Austrian exchequer. 
Threats and calls for blood and vengeance 
upon the troops were placarded upon the 
walls, and cases of assassination occurred. 
Field-Marshal Count Radetzky had felt 
certain that the national movement, begun 
in the Church States, would extend 
throughout Italy, and oblige Austria to 
defend her territory by force of arms. 

He was also informed of the warlike feeling 
in Piedmont and of the secret prepara- 
tions which were in progress there. This 
view was well founded. Any dispassionate 
judgment of the political situation in the 
. , peninsula showed that the 
a ton s governments of the individual 

earning r g^g^^^g ^yg^ g j^ a dilemma ; either 
they must join the national 
yearning for liberation from the foreign rule 
and help their subjects in the struggle, or 
they would be forced to yield to the victor- 
ious advance of republicanism. The Savoy 
family of Carignan, the only ruling house 
of national origin, found no difficulty in 
deciding the question. As leaders of the 
patriotic party they might attain a highly 
important position, and at least become 
the leaders of a Federal Italy ; while they 
were forced to endanger their kingdom, 
whatever side they took. 

Radetzky was indefatigable in his 
efforts to keep the Vienna government 
informed of the approaching danger, but 
his demands for reinforcements to the 
troops serving in the Lombard- Venetian 
provinces were disregarded. The old War 
Minister, Count H. Hardegg, who sup- 
ported Radetzky, was harshly dismissed 
from his position in the exchequer, and 
died of vexation at the affront. Not all 

the obtuseness and vacillation of the 
Vienna bureaucracy could shake the old 
field-marshal — on August ist, 1847, he 
began his sixty-fourth year of service in 
the imperial army — from his conviction 
that the Austrian house meant to defend 
its Italian possessions. He was well aware 
that the very existence of the monarch} 
. , was involved in this question 
C ^'T ^ d °^ predominance in Italy. A 
omp ica e j^Q^ient when every nationality 
Pontics united under the Hapsburg 

rule was making the most extravagant 
demands upon the state was not the 
moment voluntarih' to abandon a position 
of the greatest moral value. 

After the outbreak of the revolt many 
voices recommended an Austrian retreat 
from Lombardy to Venice. It was thought 
impossible that these two countries, with 
independent governments of their own, 
could be incorporated in so loosely 
articulated a federation as the Austrian 
Empire seemed likely to become. Such 
counsels were not inconceivable in view 
of the zeal with which kings and ministers, 
professors, lawyers, and authors plunged 
into the elaboration of political blunders 
and misleading theories ; but to follow them 
would have been to increase rather than to 
diminish the difficulties of Austrian politics, 
which grew daily more complicated. 

In the turmoil of national and demo- 
cratic aspirations and programmes the 
idea of the Austrian state was for- 
gotten ; its strength and dignity depended 
upon the inflexibility and upon 
National ^^^ ultimate victory of Rad- 
. jj etzky and his army. The war in 

m Italy j^^^^. ^^^^ ^ national war, more 

especially for the Austro-Germans ; for 
passion, even for an ideal, cannot impress 
the German and arouse his admiration to 
the same extent as the heroic fulfilment of 
duty. Additional influences upon the 
Austrians were the military assessment, 
their delight in proved military supe- 
riority, and their military traditions. 



Nationalism was indisputably an animat- 
ing •force among the Germans of the 
Alpine districts. Never did Franz Grill- 
parzer so faithfully represent the Austrian 
spirit as in the oft-repeated words which 
he ascribed to the old field-marshal, 
upholding the ancient imperial banner 
upon Guelf soil : " In thy camp is Austria ; 

^, _, ... we are but single fragments." 
The Vanished j, ■ , j-cc i- . • 

It IS not difficult to imagine 

that a statesman of unusual 

Power of 
the Hapsburgs 

penetration and insight might 
even then have recognised that Austria 
was no longer a force in Germany, 
that the claim of the Hapsburgs to lead 
the German nation had disappeared with 
the Holy Roman Empire. We may 
conceive that, granted^ such recognition 
of the facts, a jvist division of influence and 
power in Central Europe might have been 
brought about by the peaceful compromise 
with Prussia ; but it was foolishness to 
expect the House of Hapsburg voluntarily 
to begin a partition of the countries 
which had fallen to be hers. 

The acquisition of Italy had been a mis- 
take on the part of Metternich; but the 
mistake could not be mended by a surrender 
of rights at the moment when hundreds 
of claims would be pressed. To maintain 
the integrit}' of the empire was to preserve 
its internal solidarity and to uphold the 
monarchical power. The monarchy could 
produce no more convincing evidence 
than the victories of the army. An army 
which had retreated before the Pied- 
montese and the Guelf guerrilla troops 
would never have gained another victory, 
even in Hungary. 

In an army order of January 15th, 1848, 
Radetzky announced in plain and un- 
ambiguous terms that the Emperor of 
Austria was resolved to defend the Lom- 
bard-Venetian kingdom against internal 
and external enemies, and that he himself 
proposed to act in accordance with the 
imperial will. He was, however, unable 
Outbreak ^"^ "^^^^ ^^ strategical pre- 
of the parations for the approaching 

Revolution struggle ; he had barely troops 
enough to occupy the most im- 
portant towns, and in every case the 
garrisons were entirely outnumbered by 
the population. Hence it has been asserted 
that the revolution took him by surprise. 
The fact was that he had no means of 
forestalling a surprise, and was obliged to 
modify his measures in proportion to the 
forces at his disposal. The crowds began 


to gather on March 17th, when the news 

of the Vienna revolution reached Milan ; 

street fighting began on the i8th and 19th, 

and the marshal was forced to concentrate 

his scattered troops upon the gates and 

walls of the great city, lest he should 

find himself shut in by an advancing 

Piedmontese army. 

On March 21st it became certain that 

Charles Albert of Sardinia would cross 

the Ticino with his army. Radetzky left 

Milan and retreated beyond the Mincio 

to the strong fortress of Verona, which, 

with Mantua, Peschiera, and Legnago, 

formed the "Quadrilateral " which became 

famous in the following campaign. Most 

of the garrisons in the Lombard towns 

were able to cut their way through, 

comparatively few surrendering. However, 

the 61,000 infantry of the imperial army 

were diminished by the desertion of the 

twenty Italian battalions which belonged 

to it, amounting to 10,000 men. It was 

necessary to abandon most of the state 

chests ; the field-marshal could only 

convey from Milan to Verona half a 

million florins in coined money, which was 

_. -- saved by the division stationed 

The New -^ 

Republic of 

in Padua, which made a rapid 
advance before the outbreak of 

the revolt. Venice had thrown 
off the yoke. The lawyer Daniel Manin, 
of Jewish family, and therefore not a 
descendant of Lodovico Manin, the last 
doge, had gained over the arsenal workers. 

With their help he had occupied the 
arsenal and overawed the field-marshal, 
Count Ferdinand Zichy, a brother-in- 
law of Metternich, who \T'as military 
commander in conjunction with the civil 
governor. Count Palffy of Erdod. Zichy 
surrendered on March 22nd; on condi- 
tion that the non-Italian garrison should 
be allowed to depart unmolested. Manin 
became president of the new democratic 
Republic of Venice, which was joined 
by most of the towns of the former 
Venetian terra firma ; Great Biitain and 
France, however, declined to recognise the 
republic, which was soon forced to make 
common cause with Sardinia. iMantua 
was preserved to the Austrians by the 
bold and imperturbable behaviour of the 
commandant -general. Von Gorczkowski. 

The Italian nationalist movement had 
also spread to the South T\to1. On 
March 19th the inhabitants of Trent 
demanded the incorporation into Lom- 
bardy of the Trentino — that is, the district 


of the former prince-bishopric of Trent. 
The appearance of an Austrian brigade 
under General von Zobel to reheve the 
hard-pressed garrison of the citadel secured 
the Austrian possession of this important 
town, and also strengthened the only line 
of communication now open between 
Radetzky's headquarters and the Austrian 
government, the hue through the Tyrol. 

The defence of their country was now 
undertaken by the German Tyrolese them- 
selves ; they called out the defensive 
forces which their legislature had provided 
for centuries past, and occupied the 
frontiers. They were not opposed by the 
Italian population on the south, who 
in many cases volunteered to serve in the 
defence of their territory ; hence the 
revolutionary towns were unable to make 
head against these opponents, 
oi to maintain regular com- 
munication with the revolu- 
tionists advancing against the 
frontier. Wherever the latter 
attempted to break through 
they were decisively defeated 
by the admirable Tyrolese 
guards, who took up arms 
against the " Guelfs " with 
readiness and enthusiasm. 

On March 29th, 1848. the 
King of Sardinia crossed the 
Ticino, without any formal 
declaration of war, ostensibly 
to protect his own territories. 
He had at his disposal three He 

Point in the 

After the despatch of the troops required 
to cover the Etsch valley and to garrison 
the fortresses, Radetzky was left with 
only 35,000 men ; he was able, how- 
ever, with nineteen Austrian battalions, 
sixteen squadrons, and eighty-one guns, 
to attack and decisively defeat the king 
at Santa Lucia on May 6th, as he was 
advancing with 41,000 men 
and eighty guns. The Zehner 
light infantry under Colonel 
Karl von Kopal behaved admir- 
ably ; the Archduke Francis Joseph, heir 
presumptive, also took part in the battle. 
The conspicuous services of these bold 
warriors to the fortunes of Austria have 
made this obstinate struggle especially 
famous in the eyes of their compatriots. 
Radetzky's victory at Santa Lucia is the 
_ turning-point in the history of 

the Italian revolution. 

The Austrian troops 
definitely established the fact 
of their superiority to the 
l^iedmontese, by far the best 
nf the Italian contingents. 
Conscious of this, the little 
army was inspired with con- 
fidence in its own powers and 
in the generalship of the aged 
marshal, whose heroic spirit 
was irresistible. Many young 
men from the best families of 
Vienna and the Alpine districts 
took service against the 
Italians. The healthy-minded 

became President of the 

divisions, amounting to about ^f^e"r"he cfp^'ulation of'^enTce studcnts wcre glad to escape 
4'^, 000 men, and after Raining in the following year escaped from the aula of the Uni- 

^-" , , . °i, ° to Paris, where he died in 1857. 

several successes m small con- 
flicts at Goito, Valeggio, and elsewhere, 

against weak Austrian divisions, he ad- 
vanced to the Mincio on April loth. Mazzini 
had appeared in Milan after the retreat 
of the Austrians ; but the advance of the 
Piedmontese prevented the installation 
of a republican administi;3.tion. For a 
moment the national movement was 
concentrated solely upon the 
struggle against the Austrian 
supremacy. Tumultuous public 
demonstrations forced the petty 
and central states of Italy to send their 
troops to the support of the Piedmontese. 
In this way nearly 40,000 men from Naples, 
Catholic Switzerland, Tuscany, Modena, 
and elsewhere were concentrated on the 
Po under the orders of General Giacomo 
Durando,to begin the attack on the Austrian 
position in conjunction with Charles Albert. 

The Forces 
to Austria 

versify of Vienna, with its 
turgid orations and sham patriotism, and 
to shed their blood for the honour of 
their nation side by side with the brave 
" volunteers," who went into action with 
jest and laugh. Such events considerably 
abated the enthusiasm of the Italians, 
who began to learn that wars cannot be 
waged by zeal alone, and that their fiery 
national spirit gave them no superiority 
in the use of the rifle. 

Radetzky was not to be tempted into a 
reckless advance by the brilliant success 
he had attained ; after thus vigorously 
repulsing Charles Albert's main force, he 
remained within his quadrilateral of for- 
tresses, awaiting the arrival of the reserves 
which were being concentrated in Austria ; 
16,000 infantry, eight squadrons of cavalry, 
and fifty-four guns marched from Isonzo 
under Laval, Count Nugent, master of the 



ordnance, an old comrade of Radetzky. 
He was an Irishman by birth, and had 
entered the Austrian army in 1703 ; in 
1812 he had seen service 
in Spain during the War 
of Liberation,, andin.1813 
had led the revolt on the 
coast districts. On April 
22nd Nugent captured 
Udine, and advanced b}- 
way of Pordenone and 
Conegliano to . Belluno, 
Feltre, and Bassano, 
covering^ his flank by the 
mountains, as Durando's 
corps had gone northward 
from the Po to prevent 
his junction with Rad- 
etzky. Nugent fell sick, 
and after continual fight- 
ing, Count Thurn led the 
reserves to San Boniface 
at Verona, where he 
came into touch ^vith the 
main arni}^ on May 22nd. 

Meanwhile, the monarchical government 
in Naples had succeeded in defsating 
the Repubhcans, and the king accordingly 

recalled the Neapolitan army, which had 
already advanced to the Po. The summons 
was obeyed except by 2,000 men, with 
whom General Pepe re- 
inforced the ■ Venetian 
contingent. This change 
materially diminished the 
danger which had threat- 
ened Radetzky's deft 
flank ; he was now able 
to take the offensive 
against the Sardinian 
army, and advanced 
against Curtatone and 
Goito from Mantua, 
whither he had amved 
on May 28th with two 
, corps and part of the 
. reserves. He proposed 
#; to relieve Peschiera, 
^ which was invested by 

Grand Duke of Tuscany, Leopold II. granted ^hc Dukc of GcUOa ; but 

a liberal constitution to his people, and the garrisou had received 

thought he had satisfied all their demands, but j-q ngws of the advanCe 
a revolt broke out, and he fled Lo Gaeta 


of the main army, and were 
forced from lack of provisions to suiTender 
on May 30th. However, after a fierce 
struggle at Monte Berico on June loth, in 

j ne town of Messina which lately was the scene of a destructive earthquake, suffered severely in September, 184,-^, 
during the rising of Italy against Austria. Under the bombardment of General Filangieri, the town was exposed 
to a heavy fire ; many houses were destroyed and burned and thousands of dead bodies lay in the streets. 


In this picture there is represented the meeting- of the two principals in the war between Sardinia and Austria, Victor 
Emmanuel II. and Count Radetzky, which took place on March 24th, 1849, at the farmstead of Vignale. Anarmistice 
vas agreed to on conditions which were to serve as the basis of a peace, finally concluded in the following August. 

j^oiii the painting by Aldi. in the PlKice of the Signory. Siena 

which Colonel von Kopal, the Roland of the 
Aastrian army, was killed, Radetzky 
captured Vicenza, General Durando being 
allowed- to retreat with the Roman and 
Tuscan troops. They were joined by the 
" crociati," crusaders, who had occupied 
Treviso. Padua was also evacuated by 
the revolutionaries, and almost the whole 
of the Venetian province was thus re- 
covered by the Austrians. Fresh re- 
inforcements from Austria were employed 
in the formation of a second reserve 
corps under General von Welden on the 
Piave ; this force was to guard Venetia 
on the land side. 

At this period the provisional govern- 
ment in Milan offered the Lombard- 
Venetian crown to' the King of Sardinia. 

Charles Albert might reasonably hope to 
wear it, as the Austrian Government, 
which had retired to Innsbruck on the 
renewal of disturbances in Vienna, showed 
some inclination to conclude an armistice 
ill Italy. Britain and France, however, 
had declared the surrender by Austria of 
the Italian provinces to be an indispens- 
able preliminary to peace negotiations. 

Radetzky hesitated to begin negotiations 
for this purpose, and remained firm in 
his resolve to continue the war, for which 
he made extensive preparations in the 
course of June and July, 1848. He formed 
a third army corps in South Tyrol, under 
Count Thurn, a fourth in Legnago, under 
General von Culoz, and was then able 
with the two corps already on foot to 


In the hope of re-establishing- her ancient form of g-overnment under the presidency of Manin, Venice rose in 
revolt ag-ainst Austria in 1848, hut after a fifteen months' siege of the city the Austrians compelled it to capitulate. 

The enthusiasm of the citizens of Venice in their revolt against Austria was shared by all classes, even the 
women and children desiring to have some part in the struggle for liberty, and bringing their jewels, as shown 
in the above picture, to raise money for the defence of the city against the attack of their bated enemy. 



attack the king in his entrenchments at 
Sona and Sommacampagna. Operations 
began here on July 23rd, and ended on the 
25th with the Battle of Custozza. The 
king was defeated, and Radetzky secured 
command of the whole line of the Mincio. 
Charles Albert now made proposals for 
an armistice. Radetzky's demands, how- 
ever, were such as the king found impos- 
sible to entertain. He was forced to 
give up the line of the Adda, which the 
field-marshal crossed with three army 
corps on August ist without a struggle. 
The Battle of Milan on.the 4th-So clearly 
demonstrated the incapacity of the Pied- 
montese troops that the king must have 
welcomed the rapidity of the Austrian 
advance as facilitating his escape from the 
raging mob with its cries of treason. 
Radetzky . entered Milan on 
August 6th and . was well 
received by some. part of the 
population. Peschiera was 
evacuated on the xoth. With 
the exception of Venice, the 
kingdom of the double crown 
had now been restored to the 
emperor. An armistice was 
concluded between Austria 
and Sardinia on August 9th 
for six weeks ; it was pro- 
longed by both sides, though 
without formal stipulation, 
through the autumn of 1848 
and the winter of 1848-1849. 

Ready for 


t>^ ^fl 


jflP^ ^ (^^^1 


ijH»;i&- ^;» ,^^H 



persecutions of the 'thirties, harassed the 
Austrians with the adherents who had 
gathered round them. They operated in 
the neighbourhood of Lago Maggiore, 
where they could easily withdraw into 
Swiss territory, and also' stirred their 
associates in Piedmont to fresh activity. 
King Charles Albert saw that a renewal 
of the campaign against the 
Austrians was the only means 
of avoiding the revolution with 
which he also was threatened. 
He had, therefore, by dint of energetic 
preparation, succeeded in raising his army 
to 100,000 men. He rightly. saw that a 
victory would bring all the patriots over 
to his side ; but he had no faith in this 
possibihty, and announced the termina- 
tion .of the armistice on March 12th, 
1849, ^^ 3, tone of despair. 
Radetzky had long expected 
this move, and, far from 
being taken . unawares, had 
made preparations to surprise 
his adversary. Instead of 
retiring to the Adda, as the 
Sardinian had expected, he 
started from Lodi with 58,000 
men and 186 guns, and made 
a turn to the right upon Pavia. 
On March 20th he crossed the 
Ticino and moved upon 
Mortara, while Charles Albert 
made a. corresponding man- 
oeuvre at Buffalora and 

In Tuscany the Grand Duke Ri^^t^caiied'- the saviour of the entered Lombard territory 

Leopold II thought he Monarchy." this great marshal led at Magenta. He had CU- 

had completely satisfied the i'ft^e^r^ott^"Sn^° Xuaifan trusted the command of his 
national and political desires "^'"^ =^"'' i"^"*^^ ^^^ Revolution, ^i-^^y to the Polish revolu- 
of his people by the grant of a liberal con- tionary general, _ Adalbert Chrzanowski, 

stitution and by the junction of his troops 
with the Piedmont army. ..Since the time of 
the great Medici, this fair province had 
never been so prosperous as under the mild 
rule of the Hapsburg grand duke ; but 
the Republicans gave it no rest. They 
seized the harbour of Livorno and also 
17.1-1. c t. 'tlie government of Florence 
Grfnd Dukl ^^ .I'ebruary, 1849, uuder the 
. ''*" .J It* leadership pfMazzini's follower, 
Leopold II. T^ TA • /" 

r rancesco Dpmemco Guerrazzi, 

whom Leopold was forced to appoint 
Minister. The grand duke fled to Gaeta, 
where Pope Pius IX. had sought refuge 
at the end of November, 1848, from the 
Republicans, who were besieging him in 
the Quirinal. Mazzini and his friend 
Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had led a life of 
adventure in South America after the 

whose comrade, Ramorino, led a division 
formed of Lombard fugitives. Radetzky's 
bold flank movement had broken the con- 
nection of the Sardinian forces ; Chrzan- 
owski was forced hastily to despatch two 
divisions to Vigevano and Mortara to check 
the Austrian advance, which was directed 
against the Sardinian line of retreat. 

The stronghold of Mortara was captured 
on March 2ist by the corps d'Aspre, the 
first division of which was led by the 
Archduke Albert. The Sardinian leaders 
were then forced to occupy Novara with 
54,000 men and 122 guns, their troops 
available at the moment. Tactically the 
position was admirable, and here they 
awaited the decisive battle. Retreat to 
Vercelli was impossible, in view of the 
advancing Austrian columns. 



On IMarch 23rd Radetzky despatched 
his four corps to converge upon Novara. 
About II a.m. the Archduke Albert began 
the attack u]K-)n the heights of Bicocca, 
which formed the key to the Itahan 
position. For "four hours 15,000 men held 
out against 50,000, until the corps ad- 
vancing on the road from Vercelli were 
able to come into action at 
King and 3 p_ni_ This movement decided 
General in ^he struggle. In the evening the 
Conference r^ ,. . "C> • / j ? 

Sardmians were ejected from 

the heights of Novara and retired within 
the town, which was at once bombarded. 
The tactical arrangement of the Italians 
was ruined by the disorder of their con- 
verging columns, and many soldiers were 
able to take to flight. Further resistance 
was impossible, and the king demanded 
an armistice of Radetzky, which was 
refused. Charles Albert now abdicated, 
resigning his crown to Victor Emmanuel, 
Duke of Savoy, his heir, who happened 
to be present. During the night he was 
allowed to pass through the Austrian 
lines and to make his way to Tuscany. 

On the morning of March 24th, King 
Victor Emmanuel had a conversation with 
Radetzky in the farmstead of Vignale, 
and arranged an armistice on conditions 
which were to serve as the basis of a 
future peace. The status quo ante in 
respect of territorial possession was to 
be restored ; the field-marshal waived 
the right of marching into Turin, 
which lay open to him, but re- 
tained the Lomellina, the country be- 
tween the Ticino and the Sesia, which he 
occupied with 21,000 men until the con- 
clusion of the peace. It was stipulated 
that Sardinia should withdraw her ships 
from the Adriatic and her troops from 
Tuscany, Parma, and Modena, and should 
forthwith disband the Hungarian, Polish, 
and Lombard volunteer corps serving with 
the army. Brescia, which the Republicans 
had occupied after the retreat of the 
G 'b Id" Austrians from Milan, was 
w'thd'raws ^^°™^d °^ April ist by General 
from Rome ^'^^ Haynau, who brought up 
his reserve corps from Padua. 
In the preceding battles the Italians had 
committed many cruelties upon Austrian 
prisoners and wounded soldiers. For this 
reason the conquerors gave no quarter to 
the defenders of the town ; all who were 
caught in arms were cut down, and the 
houses burned from which firing had pro- 
ceeded. With the defeat of Sardinia the 


Italian nationalist movement became pur- 
poseless. The restoration of constitutional 
government in the Church States, Tuscany, 
and the duchies was opposed only by the 
democrats. Their resistance was, however, 
speedily broken by the Austrian troops, 
Bologna and Ancona alone necessitating 
special efforts ; the former was occupied on 
May 15th, the latter on the 19th. Under 
Garibaldi's leadership Rome offered a 
vigorous resistance to the French and Nea- 
politans, who were attempting to secure the 
restoration of the Pope at his own desire. 
The French general Victor Oudinot, a 
son of the marshal of that name under 
Napoleon I., was obliged to invest the 
Eternal City in form from June ist to 
July 3rd with 20,000 men, until the 
population perceived the hopelessness of 
defence and forced Garibaldi to withdraw 
with 3,000 Republicans. From the date 
of her entry into Rome until the year 1866, 
and again from 1867 to 1870, France 
maintained a garrison in the town for the 
protection of the Pope. Venice continued 
to struggle longest for her independence. 
Manin rejected the summons to surrender 
even after he had received in- 


formation of the overthrow and 
abdication of Charles Albert. 

The Austrians were compelled to 
drive parallels against the fortifications 
in the lagoons, of which Fort Malghera 
was the most important, and to bombard 
them continuously. It was not until 
communication between the town and the 
neighbouring coast line was entirely cut 
off by a flotilla of rowing boats that the 
failure of provisions and supplies forced 
the town council to surrender. 

Italy was thus unable to free herself by 
her own efforts. Since the summer of 
1848 the Austrian Government had been 
forced to find troops for service against 
the rebels in Hungary. It was not until 
the autumn that the capital of Vienna 
had been cleared of rioters ; yet Austria 
had been able to provide the forces neces- 
sary to crush the Italian power. Her 
success was due to the generalship and 
capacity of the great marshal, who is 
rightly called the saviour of the monarchy, 
and in no less degree to the admirable 
spirit, fidelity, and devotion of the officers, 
and to the superior bravery and endurance 
of the German and Slav troops. High as 
the national enthusiasm of the Italians 
rose, it could never compensate for their 
lack of discipline and military capacity. 











'X'HE struggle between Italy and Austria 
-'■ may be considered as inevitable ; each 
side staked its resources upon a justifiable 
venture. The same cannot be said of the 
Hungarian campaign. Under no urgent 
necessity, without the proposition of any 
object of real national value, blood was 
uselessly and wantonly shed, and the most 
lamentable aberrations and political 
blunders were committed. The result was 
more than a decade of bitter suffering, 
both for the Magyars and for the other 
peoples of the Hapsburg monarchy. 

Such evils are due to the fact that 
revolutions never succeed in establish- 
ing a situation in any way tolerable; 
they burst the bonds of oppression and 
avenge injustice, but interrupt the normal 
course of development and of constitutional 
progress, thereby postponing improve- 
ments perfectly attainable in themselves. 
Both in Vienna and in Hungary the month 
of March had been a time of great con- 
fusion. In the sudden excite- 
ment of the population and the 
vacillation of the Government, 
rights had been extorted and 
were recognised ; but their exercise was 
impeded, if not absolutely prevented, by 
the continued existence of the state. In 
Vienna the most pressing questions were the 
right of the students to carry arms and to 
enter public life ; in Hungary, the creation 
of a special war office and an exchequer 
board of unlimited power. 

The students were the leading spirits of 
political life in Vienna. There was no con- 
stitutional matter, no question of national 
or administrative policy, m which they had 
not interfered and advanced their demands 
in the name of the people. Movements in the 
capital, the seat of government, were there- 
fore characterised by a spirit of immaturity, 
or, rather, of childishness. Quiet and 
deliberate discussion on business methods 
was unknown, every conclusion was re- 
jected as soon as made, and far-sighted men 
of experience and knowledge of admini- 



and Hungary 

strative work were refused a hearing. 

Fluent and empty-headed demagogues, 

acquainted with the art of theatrical rant, 

enjoyed the favour of the excitable middle 

and working classes, and unfortunately 

were too often allowed a determining voice 

and influence in government 

„ " t". circles. Any systematic and 
Politicians r , ■' ■ X J.U • i,i„ 

. y,. purposeful exercise of the rights 

that had been gained was, under 
these circumstances, impossible, for no one 
could appreciate the value of these con- 
cessions. Like children crying for the moon, 
they steadily undermined constituted 
authority and could put nothing in its place. 

The students were seduced and exploited 
by ignorant journalists, aggressive hot- 
headed Jews, inspired with all Borne's 
hatred of monarchical institutions ; any 
sensible proposal was obscured by a veil of 
Heine-like cynicism. To the journalists 
must be added the grumblers and the base- 
born, who hoped to secure lucrative posts 
by overthrowing the influence of the more 
respectable and conscientious men. These 
so-called "Democrats" gained the considera- 
tion even of the prosperous classes by reason 
of their association with the students, who 
represented popular feeling. 

They controlled the countless clubs 
and unions of the National Guard in 
the suburbs, and stirred up the working 
classes, which in Vienna were in the 
depths of political ignorance ; they had 
been, moreover, already inflamed by the 
emissaries which the revolutionary societies 
sent out into France, Switzerland, and 
West Germany, and were inspired with the 
wildest dreams of the approach 
Democrats ^^ ^ ^^^^, ^^^^ bringing freedom, 

"m*'"f licence, and material enjoy- 
a New tra ^^^^ -^ boundless measure. 

Together with the Jews, the Poles also 
attained to great importance, especially 
after the disturbances in the Polish 
districts of Austria had been crushed by 
the energies of Count Franz Stadion, 
governor of Galicia, and of the town 



commandant of Cracow. The agitators who 
were there thrown out of employment 
received a most brilhant reception at 
Vienna, and their organisation of " hght- 
ning petitions " and street parades soon 
made them indispensable. On April 25th, 
1848, was published the Constitution of 
Pillersdorf, a hastily constructed scheme, 
but not without merit ; on May 9th, 
the election arrangements followed. Both 
alike were revolutionary ; they disregarded 
the rights of the Landtag, and far from 
attempting to remodel existing material, 
created entirely new institutions in accord- 
ance with the political taste prevailing at 

the moment. Cen - 

tralisation was a fun- 
damental principle of 
these schemes ; they 
presupposed the ex- 
istence of a united 
territorial empire 
under uniform ad- 
ministration, from 
which only Hungary 
and the Lombard- 
Venetian kingdom 
were tacitly excluded. 
The Reichstag was to 
consist of a Senate 
and a Chamber of 
Deputies. The Senate 
was to include male 
members of the im- 
perial house over 
twenty-four years of 
age, an undetermined 
number of life-mem- 
bers nominated by 
the emperor, and 150 
representatives from 
among the great land- 
owners ; in the Cham- 


Leader of the Hungarian Revolution, Louis Kossuth was 

gifted with wonderful eloquence, and was able to impart 

his own enthusiasm to the people whom he led. He was 

ber thirty-one towns appointed provisional Governor of Hungary after the were 

and electoral districts National Assembly had declared the throne vacant 

of 50,000 inhabitants each v.'ere to appoint 
383 deputies through their delegates. 

From the outset the Radicals were 
opp>osed to a senate and the system of 
indirect election ; the true spirit of free- 
dom demanded one Chamber and direct 
election without reference to property 
or taxation burdens. Such a system was 
the expression of the people's rights, for 
the " people " consisted, naturally, of 
Democrats. All the moderate men, all 
who wished to fit the people for their re- 
sponsibilities by some political education, 
were aristocrats, and aristocrats were 


enemies of the people, to be crushed, 
muzzled, and stripped of their rights. 

Popular dissatisfaction at the constitu- 
tion was increased by the dismissal of the 
Minister of War, Lieutenant Field-Marshal 
Peter Zanini, and the appointment of 
Count Theodor Baillet de Latour on April 
28th. The former was a narrow-minded 
scion of the middle class, and incapable of 
performing his duties, for which reason he 
enjoyed the confidence of the Democrats. 
The latter was a general of distinguished 
theoretical and practical attainments, 
and popular with the army ; these facts 
and his title made him an object of suspicion 
to the "people." At 
the beginning of May 
the people proceeded 
to display their dis- 
satisfaction with the 
ministerial president. 
Count Karl Ficquel- 
mont, by the howls 
and whistling of the 
students. On May 
14th the students 
fortified themselves 
with inflammatory 
speeches m the aula 
and allied themselves 
with the working 
classes ; on the 15 th 
they burst into the 
imperial castle and 
surprised Pillersdorf, 
who gave way with- 
out a show of resist- 
ance, acting on the 
false theory that the 
chief task of the 
Government was to 
avoid any immediate 
conflict. Concessions 
granted pro- 
viding for the for- 
mation of a central committee of the de- 
mocratic unions, the occupation of half the 
outposts by National Guards, and the 
convocation of a "Constituent Reichstag " 
with one Chamber. 

The imperial family, which could no 
longer expect protection in its own house 
from the Ministry, left Vienna on May 17th 
and went to Innsbruck, where it was 
out of reach of the Democrats and 
their outbursts of temper, and could more 
easily join hands with the Italian army. 
It was supported, from June 3rd, by 
Johann von Wessenberg, Minister of 


Foreign Affairs, a diplomatist of the old 
federal period, but of wide education and 
clever enough to see that in critical 
times success is only to be attained by 
boldness of decision and a certain spirit of 
daring. After Radetzky's victory on the 
Mincio he speedily convinced himself 
that compliance with the desires of France 
and Britain for the cession of the Lom- 
bard-Venetian kingdom would be an 
absolute error — one, too, which would 
arouse discontent and irritation in the 
army, and so affect the conclusion of the 
domestic difficulty ; he therefore decisively 
rejected the interposition of the Western 
Powers in the Italian question. 

Wessenberg accepted as seriously meant 
the emperor's repeated declarations of his 
desire to rule his kingdom constitutionally. 
As long as he possessed the confidence of 
the court he affirmed that this resolve 
must be carried out at all costs, even 
though it should be necessary to use force 
against the risings and revolts of the 
Radical Party. He was unable to secure as 
early a return to Vienna as he had hoped ; 
hence he was obliged to make what use 
he could of the means ■ at his 
re uc disposal by entrusting the Arch- 

P duke Johann with the regency 

during the emperor's absence. 
The regent's influence was of no value ; at 
that time he was summoned to conduct 
the business of Germany at Frankforton- 
Main, and his action in Vienna was in con- 
sequence irregular and undertaken without 
full knowledge of the circumstances. 

On July i8th the Archduke Johann", 
as representing the emperor, formed a 
Ministry, the president being the pro- 
gressive landowner Anton von Doblhoff. 
The advocate Dr. Alexander Bach, who 
had previously belonged to the popular 
party, was one of the members. The 
elections to the Reichstag were begun after 
Prince Alfred of Windisch-Graetz, the 
commander of the imperial troops in Bo- 
hemia, had successfrflly and rapidly sup- 
pressed a revolt at Prague which was 
inspired by the first Slav Congress. This 
achievement pacified Bohemia. On July 
loth the deputies of the Austrian provinces 
met for preliminary discussion. 

The claims of the different nationalities 
to full equality caused a difficulty with 
respect to the language in which business 
should be discussed ; objections were ad- 
vanced against any show of preference for 
German, the only language suitable to the 

purpose. However, the necessity of a rapid 
interchange of ideas, and dislike of the 
wearisome • process of translation through 
an interpreter, soon made German the 
sole medium of communication, in spite of 
the protests raised by the numerous 
Polish peasants, who had been elected in 
Galicia against the desires of the nobility. 
The most pressing task, of 
_ . drafting the Austrian Constitu- 
„ tion, was entrusted to a com- 

* ^ mittee on July 31st ; the yet 
more urgent necessity of furthering and 
immediately strengthening the executive 
power was deferred till the committee 
should have concluded its deliberations. The 
Ministry was reduced to impotence in conse- 
quence, and even after the emperor's return 
to Schonbrunn, on August 12th, its posi- 
tion was as unstable as it was unimportant. 

While "these events were taking place in 
Vienna a new state had been created in 
Hungary, which was not only independent 
of Austria, but soon showed itself openly 
hostile to her. For this, two reasons may 
be adduced : in the first place, misconcep- 
tions as to the value and reliability of 
the demands advanced by the national 
spokesmen ; and, secondly, the precipitate 
action of the Government, which had made 
concessions without properly estimating 
their jesults. The Magyars were them- 
selves unequal to the task of transforming 
their feudal state into a constitutional 
body politic of the modern type as rapidly 
as they desired. 

They had failed to observe that the appli- 
cation of the principle of personal freedom 
to their existing political institutions 
would necessarily bring to light national 
claims of a nature to imperil their para- 
mountcy in their own land, or that, in 
the inevitable struggle for this paramount 
position, the support of Austria and of the 
reigning house would be of great value. 
With their characteristic tendency to over- 
estimate their powers, they deemed them- 
selves capable of founding a 
The Magyars European power at One Stroke. 
Demand ^^^^.^ impetuosity further in- 

Indcpendence ^^^^^^^ ^^^ difficulties of their 
position. They were concerned only with 
the remodelling of domestic organisation, 
but they strove to loose, or rather to burst 
asunder, the political and economic ties 
which for centuries had united them to the 
German hereditary possessions of their 
ruling house. They demanded an inde- 
pendence* which they had lost on the day 



of the Battle of Mohacs. They deprived 
their king of rights which had been the 
indisputable possession of every one of his 
crowned ancestors. Such were, the supreme 
command of his army, to which Hungary 
contributed a number of men, though 
sending no individual contingents; the 
supreme right over the coinage and 
currency, which was a part of the royal 
prerogative, and had been personally and 
therefore uniformly employed by the 
representatives of the different sovereign- 
ties composing the Hapsburg power. 

The legal code confirmed by the emperor 
and King Ferdinand at the dissolution of 
the old Reichstag, on April loth, 1848, not 
only recognised the existing rights of the 
Kingdom of Hungary, but contained 
concessions from the emperor which 
endangered and indeed destroyed the old 
personal union with Austria. Of these the 
chief was the grant of an independent 
Ministry, and the union of Hungary and 
Transylvania . without any. . obligation of 
service to the Crown, without the recog- 
nition of any community; of interests, 
without any stipulation for such co-opera- 
tion as might be needed to secure the 
existence of the joint 

In Croatia, Slavonia, ' 
in the Banat, and in the 
district of Bacska in- 
habited by the Servians, 
the Slavonic nationalist 
movement broke into 
open revolt against Mag- 
yar self-aggrandisement ; 
the Hungarian Ministry 
then demanded, the recall 
of., all . Hungarian troops 
from ..the. Italian army, 
from Moravia and Galicia, 
in order to quell the 
."anarchy" pi^evailing at 
home. . The Imperial 
Government , now dis- 


covered that m COncedmg Born in 1830, he became Emperor of Austria 

an "independent 

ministry to Hungary they ^ad been compelled to abdcate. The above 

, 1 -^ , o . -^ , , •' portrait was taken about the year 18 jO 

had surrendered the - - 

attitude of Hungary on the financial 
question, wherein she showed no inclina- 
tion to consider the needs of the whole 
community. She owed her political exist- 
ence to German victories over the 
Turks, but in her selfishness would not save 
-. , Austria from bankruptcy by 

Hungary s ,- , ^ r .1 

r» 1./^ r- accepting a quarter of the 

Debt to German .-^ ,", , .^ 1 -, ■ 

,,. . . national debt and making a 

Victories . 

yearly paymentof one million 
])ounds to meet the interest. The 
majority,. of the Ministry of Batthyany, 
to , which . the loyaUst Franz von Deak 
belonged, were by no means anxious to 
bring about a final separation between 
Hungary and Austria ; they were even 
ready to grant troops to the court for ser- 
vice in the Italian war, if the Imperial 
Government would support Hungarian 
action against the malcontent Croatians. 

In May, Count Batthyany hastened to the 
Imperial Court at Innsbruck and suc- 
ceeded in allaying the prevailing apprehen- 
sions. The court was inclined to purchase 
Hungarian adherence to the dynasty and 
the empire by compliance in all questions 
affecting the domestic affairs of Hungary. 
But it soon became clear that Batthj^any 
and his associates did not 
represent public feeling, 
which was entirely led 
by the fanatical agitator 
Kossuth, who was not 
to be appeased by the 
offer of the portfolio of 
finance in Batthyany's 

Louis Kossuth was a 
man of extravagant en- 
thusiasm, endowed with 
great histrionic powers, a 
rhetorician who was apt 
to be carried away by 
the torrent of his own 
eloquence, a type of the 
revolutionary apostle and 
martyr. He was un- 
doubtedly lacking in 

war inl848, succeeding his uncle Ferdinand I., who sobriety of political judg- 

' -T-. - -.--— ^^gj.^^^ ^^^ j.jjg powers 

were never exerted with 
full effect except under- the stress of high 
excitement ; he seems, indeed, to have 
been one of those who realise themselves 
only at the moment when they feel that 
the will of great masses of men has 
fallen completely under the sway of their 
own passion of eloquence. The ambitions 
of such men can never be. satisfied in any 

unity of the army, and so lost the main 
prop of the monarchical power. The 
difficulty was incapable of solution by 
peaceful methods ; a struggle could only 
be avoided by the vohmtary renunciation 
on " the part of Hungary of a right she 
had extorted but a moment before. 
No less intolerable was the independent 



arena less than that in which national paper for the same amount ; he tnen 
destinies are staked. Kossuth did not demanded further credit to the extent ot 
enter on his political career from motives 4,200,000 pounds, to equip a national 
of personal aggrandisement, with a de- army of 200,000 men. He even attempted 
liberate intention of overthrowing the to determine the foreign policy of the 
Hapsburg rule in order that he might emperor-king. Austria was to cede all 
become the presiding genius and authori- Italian territory as far as the Etsch, and, 
tative chief of a Hungarian Republic ; as regarded her German provinces, to 
but it can hardly be bow to the decisions of 

questioned that this the central power in 

would have been the out- Frankfort. In case of 

come of the movement ^ dispute with this power 

which he originated, had 1 she was not to look to 

it been carried to a sue- I'Jf tl|M • ' Hungary for support, 

cessful issue with Kossuth \i Such a point of view 

at its head. . '■^'^ \ was wholly incompatible 

For such national rights ^^s^*****. with the traditions and 

as the Magyars could ^ ^^ , the European prestige of 

claim for themselves full .^ t L... ...^lIB^^ '^^^ House of Hapsburg; 

provision was made by ^^^HHpii^M||^^^Hfe||^: lo yield would have been 

the Constitution, which g^^^^^W^ ^^K^^^^^k to resign the position of 
they had devised on ^^^^^Bh ^^^^^^^^^V permanency and to begin 
liberal principles, abolish- '^^^^^H^B m^^^^^^KKm ^^^^ disruption of the 
ing the existing privileges ^^^^^HH m^B^^^^^Km ^^^onarchy. 
of the nobility and cor- ^^^^^^^1^^^^^^^^^^ It was to be feared that 

porat ions ; every freedom ^Bi^^^Hl^^^^HII^^' Hungarian aggression 
was thus provided for_ ^^^^^^S^^^^^^W ' could be met only by 
the development ofitheir . ^x^ ^^^^^H^^ force. The federal allies, 

strength ' and individu- ""^SBIP^^^ who had already prepared 

ality. On July'2nd,.x848, kossuth in later life for what they saw would 

the Reichstag' elected For some years Kossuth resided in England, be a hard Struggle, WCre 

under the new Constitu- ^^^ ^}'''Z p°'*?'* "!?T5 •''l'u*^"""f.a'.' now appreciated at their 

,, r^, " stay m this country. He died in the year 1894. ^- ^^, _,, 

tion met together. The . , . • true value. Ihey in- 

great task before it was the satisfaction eluded the Servians and Croatians, who 

of the other nationalities, the Slavs, Rou- 
manians; and Saxons, living on Hungarian 
soil ; ,their . acquiescence in .the Magyar 
predominance was to be secured without 
endangering the unity of the kingdom, by 
means of laws for national defence, and of 
other innovations making for prosperity. 

Some clear definition ofvthe connection 
between Hungary, and Austria was also 
necessary. if their common sovereign was 
to retain his prestige in Europe ; and it 
was of the first importance to allay the 
apprehensions of the court with regard to 
the fidelity, the subordination, and devo- 
tion of the Magyars. Kossuth, however, 

V .1. . ■ brought before the Reichstag 
Kossuth s 9 c I 11 

D A f th ^ series of proposals calcula- 

P . , ted to shatter the confidence 

which Batthyanj^ had exerted 

himself to restore during his repeated visits 

to Innsbruck. The Austrian national bank 

had offered to advance one and a quarter 

million pounds in notes for the purposes of 

the Hungarian Government. This proposal 

Kossuth declined, and issued Hungarian 

L a6 G 

were already in open revolt against the 
Magyars, and had been organised into a 
military force by Georg Stratimirovt. 
The Banace of Croatia was a dignity in 
the gift of the king, though his nominee 
was responsible to Hungary. Since the 
outbreak of the revolution the position 
had been held by an Austrian general 
upon the military frontier — Jellacic. 

Though no professional diplomatist, he 
performed a -master-stroke of policy in 
securing to the support of the dynasty the 
southern Slav movement fostered by the 
"Great lUyrian" party.- He supported 
the majority of the Agram Landtag in 
their efforts to secure a separation from 
Hungary, thereby exposing himself to 
the violent denunciations of Batthyany's 
Ministry, which demanded his deposition. 
These outcries he disregarded, and 
pacified the court by exhorting the 
frontier regiments serving under Radetzky 
to remain true to their colours and 
to give their lives for the glory of 
Austria. The approbation of his comrades 



in the imperial army strengthened him in 
the conviction that it was his destiny to 
save the army and the Imperial house. He 
formed a Croatian army of 40,000 men, 
which was of no great military value, 
though its numbers, its impetuosity, and 
its extraordinary armament made it for- 
midable. The victories of the Italian 
_. _ , army and the reconquest of 

nswer Imperial Court. On August 

toKossuth S j.\ A j^ 

12th the emperor returned to 

the summer palace of Schonbrunn, near 
Vienna, and proceeded to direct his policy 
in the conviction that he had an armed 
force on which he could rely, as it was now 
possible to reconcentrate troops by degrees 
in different parts of the empire. On August 
31st, 1848, an Imperial decree was issued to 
the palatine Archduke Stephen, who had 
hitherto enjoyed full powers as the royal 
representative in Hungary and Transyl- 
vania ; the contents of the decree referred 
to the necessity of enforcing the Prag- 
matic Sanction. Such was the answer 
to the preparations begun by Kossuth. 

This decree, together with a note from the 
Austrian Ministry upon the constitutional 
relations between Austria and Hungary, 
was at once accepted by Kossuth as a 
declaration of war, and was made the 
occasion of measures equivalent to open 
revolt. On September nth the Minister 
of Finance in a fiery speech, which roused 
his auditors to a frenzied excitement, de- 
clared himself ready to assume the 
dictatorship on the retirement of Bat- 
thyany's Ministry. On the same day the 
Croatian army crossed the Drave and 
advanced upon Lake Flatten. 

The Vienna Democrats, who might con- 
sider themselves masters of the capital, 
had been won over to federal alliance with 
Hungary. The most pressing necessity 
was the restoration of a strong govern- 
ment which would secure respect for estab- 
lished authority, freedom of deliberation 
Illiterate ^° ^^^ Reichstag, and power 
Deputielin' J?, "^^""7 °^* ^^f Conclusions. 
the Reichstag P^ Reichstag, however, pre- 
ferred to discuss a superficial 
and ill-conceived motion brought forward 
by Hans Kudlich, the youthful deputy from 
Silesia, for releasing peasant holdings from 
the burdens imposed on them by the over- 
lords. The work of this Reichstag, which 
contained a large number of illiterate 
de])uties from Galicia, may be estimated 
from the fact that it showed a strong in- 


clination to put the question of compensa- 
tion on one side. Dr. Alexander Bach was 
obliged to exert all his influence and that 
of the Ministry to secure a recognition of 
the fundamental principle, that the relief 
of peasant holdings should be carried out 
in legal form. The " people " of Vienna 
took little part in these negotiations ; 
their attention was concentrated upon the 
noisy outcries of the Democrats, who were 
in connection not only with the radical 
element of the Frankfort Parliament, but 
also with Hecker and his associates. 

As early as the middle of September a 
beginning was made with the task 
of fomenting disturbances among the 
working classes, and the retirement of the 
Ministry was demanded. Great excite- 
ment was created by the arrival of a large 
deputation from the Hungarian Reichstag, 
with which the riotous Viennese formed the 
tie of brotherhood in a festive celebration 
on September i6th. The Hungarians were 
able to count upon the friendship of the 
Austrian revolutionaries after their mani- 
festations of open hostility to the court. 
The Hungarian difficulty weakened the 
P impression made by Radetzky's 

„ ' * , victories, and radical minds 
Hopes of a j 1 r 

P . J. agam conceived hopes of over- 
throwing the Imperial house 
and forming a Federal Danube Republic. 
At the request of the archduke palatine, 
Count Louis Batthyany made another 
attempt to form a constitutional Ministry 
on September 17th, with the object of 
abohshing Kossuth's dictatorship ; how- 
ever, no practical result was achieved. 

The die had been already cast, and the 
military party had established the necessity 
of restoring the imperial authoritj' in Hun- 
gary by force of arms. The Archduke 
Stephen attempted to bring about a 
meeting with Jellacic, to induce him to 
evacuate Hungarian territory, but the 
banus excused himself ; at the same time 
the palatine was informed that Field- 
Marshal Lamberg had been appointed 
commander-in-chief of the imperial troops 
in Hungary, and that the banus was under 
his orders. This was a measure entirely 
incompatible with the then existing Con- 
stitution. The archduke recognised that 
he would be forced to violate his constitu- 
tional obligations as a member of the 
Imperial house ; he therefore secretly 
abandoned the country and betook him- 
self to his possessions in Schaumberg 
without making any stay in Vienna. 



When Count Lamberg attempted to take 
up his post in the Hungarian capital he fell 
into the hands of Kossuth's most desperate 
adherents, and was cruelly murdered on 
September 28th, 1848, at the new suspen- 
sion bridge which unites Pesth and Ofen. 
An irreparable breach with the dynasty 
was thus made, and the civil war began. 
At the end of September the Hungarian 
national troops under General Moga, a force 
chiefly composed of battalions of the line, 
defeated Jellacic and advanced into Lower 
Austria. They were speedily followed by 
a Hungarian army which proposed to co- 
operate wi th the revolted Viennese , who were 
also fighting against the public authorities. 
It was on October 6th, 1848, that the 
Viennese mob burst into open revolt, the 
occasion being the march of a grenadier 
battalion of the northern railway station 
for service against the Hungarians. The 
democratic conspirators had been stirred 
up in behalf of republicanism by Johannes 
Ronge, Julius Frobel, and Karl Tausenau ; 
they had done their best to inflame the 
masses, had unhinged the minds of the 
populace to the point of rebellion, and 

-^. »«. . . made the maintenance of public 
The Minister •, ■ •, i ^, ^ 

™ order impossible. Ihe uproar 

. • t d spread throughout the city, 

and the Minister of War, Count 

Latour, was murdered. The Radical 

deputies, Lohner, Borrosch, Fischhof, 

Schuselka, and others now perceived that 

they had been playing with fire and had 

burnt their fingers. They were responsible 

for the murder, in so far as they were 

unable to check the atrocities of the mob, 

which they had armed. 

Once again the Imperial family aban- 
doned the faithless capital and took refuge 
in the archbishop's castle at Olmiitz. The 
immediate task before the Government 
was to overpower the republican and 
anarchist movement in Vienna. In 
Olmiitz the Government was represented 
by Wessenberg, and was also vigorously 
supported by Prince Felix Schwarzenberg, 
who had hastened to the court from 
Radetzky's camp. He had been employed 
not only on military service, but also in 
diplomatic duties in Turin and Naples. 

He declared for the maintenance of the 
constitutional monarchy, and supported 
the decree drafted by Wessenberg, to 
the effect that full support and un- 
limited power of action should be 
accorded to the Reichstag summoned to 
Kremsier for discussion with the Imperial 

advisers upon some mutually acceptable 

form of constitution for the empire. 

There was strong feeling in favour of 

placing all power in the hands of Prince 

Alfred Windisch-Graetz, and establishing 

a military dictatorship in his person, with 

the abolition of all representative bodies ; 

but for the moment this idea was not 

-, reahsed. Windisch-Graetz was 

tu^n "*^, appointed field-marshal and 
the Revolt ^ ^ , . , . , r ,, ,, 

. ... commander-in-chief of all the 

in Vienna ■ ^ r , ■ ■, t , 

imperial forces outside Italy, 

and undertook the task of crushing the revolt 

in Vienna and Hungary. The subjugation 

of Vienna was an easy task. 

The garrison, consisting of troops of 
the line under Auersperg, had withdrawn 
into a secure position outside the city 
on October 7th, where they joined hands 
with the troops of the banus Jellacic on 
the Leitha. These forces gradually pene- 
trated the suburbs of Vienna. On October 
2 1st the army of Prince Windisch-Graetz, 
marching from Moravia, arrived at the 
Danube, crossed the river at Nussdorf, 
and advanced with Auersperg and Jellacic 
upon the walls which enclosed Vienna. 

The Democrats in power at Vienna, who 
had secured the subservience of the 
members of the Reichstag remaining in 
the city, showed the courage of bigotry. 
They rejected the demands of Windisch- 
Graetz, who required their submission, 
the surrender of the War Minister's 
murderers, and the dissolution of the 
students' committees and of the demo- 
cratic unions ; they determined to defend 
Vienna until Hungary came to their help. 
Robert Blum, who, with Julius Frobel, had, 
brought an address from the Frankfort 
Democrats to Vienna, was a leading figure 
in the movement for resistance. W^enzel 
Messenhauser, the commander of the 
National Guard, undertook the conduct 
of the defence, and headed a division of 
combatants in person. The general 
assault was delivered on October 28th. 
Only in the Praterstern and in 
the Jagerzeile was any serious 

Vienna on 
the Point of 

resistance encountered. By 
evening almost all the barri- 
cades in the suburbs had been carried, and 
the troops were in possession of the 
streets leading over the glacis to the bas- 
tions of the inner city. 

On the next day there was a general 
feeling in favour of surrender. Messen- 
hauser himself declared the hopelessness of 
continuing the struggle, and advised a 



general surrender. However, on the morn- 
ing of October 30th he was on the Tower of 
Stephan watching the struggle of Jellacic 
against the Hungarians at Schwechat, and 
was unfortunately induced to proclaim the 
news of the Hungarian advance with an 
army of relief, thereby reviving the martial 
ardour of the desperadoes,, who had already 
, begun a reign of terror in 
Vienna s Vienna. He certainly opposed 
eign o ^^^^ fanatics who clamoured for 
a resumption of the conflict ; but 
he quailed before the intimidation of the 
democratic ruffians, and resigned his com- 
mand without any attempt to secure the 
due observance of the armistice which had 
been already concluded with Windisch- 
Graetz. On the 31st the field-marshal threw 
a few shells into the town to intimidate the 
furious proletariat ; but it was not until 
the afternoon that the imperial troops 
were able to make their way into the town. 
They amved just in time to save the 
Imperial library and the museum of natural 
history from destruction by fire. 

Vienna was conquered on November 1st, 
1848 ; those honourable and distinguished 
patriots who had spent the month of 
October in oppression and constant fear 
of death were liberated. The revolution 
in Austria could now be considered at an 
end. The capture of Vienna cost the 
army sixty officers and 1,000 men killed 
and wounded. The number of the inhabi- 
tants, combatants and non-combatants, 
who were killed in the last days of October 
can only be stated approximately. Dr. 
Anton Schiitte, an eye-witness, estimated 
-the number at 5,000. 

The next problem was the conduct of 
the war with Hungary, which had already 
raised an army of 100,000 men, and was 
in possession of every fortress of importance 
in the country, with the exception of Arad 
and Temesvar. The Battle of Schwechat, 
on October 30th, 1848, had ended with the 
retreat of the 30,000 men brought up by 

Abdication of ,^^"?J^^ ^^g^" T^'!, '^Tl^ °^ 
the Emperor ^^'^ Hungarians had not been 
Ferdinand ^^^^' ^° *^"^® importance of the 
occasion. A Hungarian victory 
at that time would have implied the relief 
of Vienna, and the question of the separa- 
tion of the Crown of Stephen from the 
House of Hapsburg would certainly have 
become of European importance. 

Upon the abdication of the Emperor 
Ferdinand and the renunciation of liis 
brother, the Archduke Francis Charles, 


the Archduke Francis Joseph ascended the 
throne on December 2nd, 1848. On the 
same day Prince Windisch-Graetz ad- 
vanced upon the Danube with 43,000 
men and 216 guns, while General Count 
Franz Schlick started from Galicia with 
8,000 men, and General Balthasar von 
Simunich moved upon Neutra from the 
Waag with 4,000 men. After a series of 
conflicts — at Pressburgonthe 17th, atRaab 
on the 27th, at Moor on the 30th December, 
1848, and after the victory of Schlick at 
Kaschau on December iith, the pro- 
visional Government under Kossuth was 
forced to abandon Pesth and to retire to 
Debreczin ; the banate was speedily 
evacuated by the national troops, as soon 
as Jellacic, who now commanded an army 
corps under Windisch-Graetz, was able 
to act with the armed Servians. 

However, the freld-marshal under-esti- 
mated the resisting power of the nation, 
which, as Kossuth represented, was threat- 
ened with the loss of its political existence, 
and displayed extraordinary capacities of 
self-sacrifice and devotion in those danger- 
bus days. He was induced to Mvance into 
Th TA ^^^^ district of the Upper Theiss 

^ y^ with too weak a force, and 
„"-^ divided his troops, instead of 

ungary halting in strong positions at 
Ofen and Waitzen on the Danube and 
waiting for the necessary reinforcemeiits. 
The Battle of Kapolna, on February 26th 
and 27th, 1849, enabled Schlick to effect 
the desired junction, and could be regarded 
as a tactical victory. Strategically, how- 
ever, it implied a turn of the scale in 
favour of the Hungarians ; they gradually 
concentrated under the Polish general 
Henryk Dembinski and the Hungarian 
Arthur Gdrgey, and were able to take the 
offensive at the end of March, 1849, under 
the general command of Gorgey, who won 
a victory at Isaszegh, G6d511o, on April 6th. 

Ludwig von Melden, the representa- 
tive of Windisch-Graetz, who had been 
recalled to Olmiitz, was forced to retire to 
the Raab on April 27th to avoid being 
surrounded. The town of Komorn had 
offered a bold resistance to the Austrian" 
besiegers, who had hitherto failed to 
secure this base, which was of importance 
for the further operations of the imperial 
army. General Moritz Perezel made a 
victorious advance into the banate. 
General Joseph Bem fought with varying 
success against the weak Austrian 
divisions in Transylvania under Puchner. 


The remnants of these were driven into 
Wallachia on February 20th. By April, 
1849, the fortresses of Ofen, Arad, and 
Temesvar alone remained in the occupa- 
tion of the Austrians. 

The promulgation of a new constitution 
for the whole of Austria, dated March 
4th, 1849, was answered by Kpssuth in a 
proclamation from Debreczin on April 
14th, dethroning the House of Hapsburg. 
In spite of the armistice with Victor 
Emmanuel, Italy was as yet too disturbed 
to permit the transference of Radetzky's 
army to Hungary. Accordingly, on May 
ist the Emperor Francis Joseph concluded 
a convention with Russia, who placed her 
forces at his disposal for the subjugation of 
Hungary, as the existence of a Hungarian 

with three corps to Arad without coming 
into collision with the Russian contingents. 
On August 5th Dembinski was driven 
back from Szoray to the neighbourhood of 
Szegedin, and the Hungarian leaders could 
no longer avoid the conviction that their 
cause was lost. On August iith, Kossuth 
fled from Arad to Turkey. On 
the 13th, Gorgey, who had been 
appointed dictator two days 
previously, surrendered with 
31,000 men, 18,000 horse, 144 guns, and 
sixty standards, at Vilagos, to the Russian 
general Count Riidiger. Further surrenders 
were made at Lugos, Boros-Jeno, Mehadia, 
and elsewhere. On October 5th, Klapka 
marched out of Komorn under the honour- 
able capitulation of September 27th. 



io Turkey 


Republic threatened a rebellion in Poland. 
It was now possible to raise an over- 
whelming force for the subjection of the 
brave Hungarian army. General Haynau 
was recalled from the Italian campaign 
to lead the Imperial army in Hungary. 
He advanced from Pressburg with 60,000 
Austrians, 12,000 Russians, and 250 guns. 

rni. I -1 Jellacic led 44,000 men and 
The^Imperial ^^g ^^^^^ -^^^^ g^^^^j^ Hungary, 

• ""h^ while the Russian field-marshal 

ungary p^.^^^^g Paskevitch marched on 
North Hungary by the Dukla Pass with 
130,000 men and 460 guns. Gorgey 
repulsed an attack delivered by Haynau 
at Komorn on July 2nd ; on the iith 
he was removed from the command 
in favour of Dembinski, and defeated on 
the same battlefield, then making a 
masterly retreat through Upper Hungary 

Hungary was thus conquered by Austria 
with Russian help. For an exaggeration 
of her national claims, which was both 
historically and politically unjustifiable, 
she paid with the loss of all her consti- 
tutional rights, and brought down grievous 
misfortune upon herself. The Magyar 
nationalists had expected the Western 
Powers to approve their struggles for 
independence and to support the new 
Magyar state against Austria and Russia, ; 
they calculated particularly upon help 
from England. They were now to learn 
that the Hungarian question is not one 
of European miportance, and that no 
one saw the necessity of an indepen- 
dent Hungarian army and Ministry of 
Foreign Affairs except those Hungarian 
politicians whose motive was not patriot- 
ism but self-seeking in its worst form. 













A N entirely strong and healthy national 
•**■ feeling came to expression in those 
" sea-girt " duchies, the masters of which 
had also been kings of Denmark since the 
fifteenth century. During .the bitter 
period of the struggle for the supremacy 
of the Baltic they had but rarely been able 
to assert their vested right to separate 
administration. They, however, had re- 
mained German, whereas the royal branch 
of the House of Holstein-Oldcnburg, one 
of the oldest ruling families in Germany, 
had preferred to become Danish. The 
members of the ducal House of Holstein, 
which had undergone repeated l^i furcations, 
largely contributed to maintain German 
feeling in Schleswig and Holstein, and 
asserted their independence with reference 
to their Danish cousins by preserving their 
relations with the empire and with their 
German neighbours. In the eighteenth 
century the consciousness of their inde- 
R pendence was so strong among 

.i^^xr-^ ° the estates of the two duchies 
the Vienna ,, x .1 << 1 i >» .- rr 

^ that the royal law of 1600, 

estates and establishing the paramountcy 
of the Danish branch of the House of 
Oldenburg, could not be executed in 
Schleswig and Holstein. 

The result of the Vienna Congress had 
been to secure the rights of the German 
districts and to separate them definitely 
from Napoleon's adherent. Metternich's 
policy had bungled this question, like so 
many other national problems, by handing 
over Schleswig to tiie Danes, while in- 
cluding Holstein in the German Federation. 
Unity was, however, the thought that 
inspired the population of either country. 
This feeling increased in strength and 
became immediately operative when Den- 
mark was so impolitic as to defraud the Ger- 
mans by regulations which bore unjustly 
upon the imperial bank, founded in 1813, 

The disadvantages of Danish supre- 
macy then became manifest to the lowest 
peasant. Danish paper and copper were 

forced upon the duchies, while their 
good silver streamed away to Copenhagen. 
The struggle against this injustice was 
taken up by the German patriot leaders, 
who were able to make the dissension turn 
on a constitutional point after the publica- 
tion of the " open letter " of King Christian 
Vni. On July 8th, 1848, he 
announced the intention of 

of Danish 
Su premacy 

the Danish Government, in 
the event of a failure of male 
heirs, to secure the succession to the un- 
divided " general monarchy " to the 
female line, in accordance with the Danish 
royal law. Christian's only son, Frederic, 
was an invalid and childless, and the 
duchies had begun to speculate upon the 
demise of the Crown and the consequent 
liberation from a foreign rule. 

Their constitution recognised only suc- 
cession in the male line, a principle which 
would place the power in the hands of the 
ducal House of Holstein-Sonderburg- 
Augustenburg, while in Denmark the suc- 
cessor would be Prince Christian of Hol- 
stein-Sonderburg-Gliicksburg, who had 
married Louise of Hesse-Cassel, a niece of 
Christian VHL Schleswig had the pro- 
spect of complete separation from Den- 
mark, and this object was approved in 
numerous public meetings and adopted as a 
guiding principle by the Assembly of these 
estates. Schleswig objected to separation 
from Holstein, and to any successor other 
than one in the male line of descent. 

Christian VHL died on Januaiy 20th, 
1848, and was succeeded by his son, Fred- 
eric VH. This change and the 
The jj^prgssion created by the 
Demand revolutions in Paris, Vienna, 

Independence ^^^ g^^^-^ confirmed the 

duchies in their resolve to grasp their 
rights and assert their national inde- 
pendence. Had the king met these desires 
wdth a full recognition of the provincial 
constitutions and the grant of a separate 
national position and administration, he 
would probably have been able to retain 



A New 
at Kiel 

possession of the two countries under some 
form of personal .federation without ap- 
peaHng to force of arms, and perhaps to 
secure their adherence for the future. 
He yielded, however, to the arguments of 
the " Eider Danes," who demanded the 
abandonment of Holstein and the incor- 
poration of Schleswig with Denmark, 
regarding the Eider as the 
historical frontier of the Danish 
power. This party required 
a joint constitutional form of 
government, and induced the king to 
elect a Ministry from their number and 
to announce the incorporation of Schleswig 
in the Danish monarchy to the deputation 
from the Schleswig-Holstein provinces in 
Copenhagen, on March 22nd, 1848. 

Meanwhile, the Assembly of the estates 
at Rendsburg had determined to declare 
war upon the Eider Danes. On March 
24th a provisional government for the two 
duchies was formed at Kiel, which was 
to be carried on in the name of Duke 
Christian of Augustenburg, at that time 
apparently a prisoner in the hands of 
the Danes, until he secured liberty to 
govern his German territories in person. 

The new Government was recognised 
both by the population at large and by 
the garrisons of the most important centres. 
It was unable, however, immediately to 
mobilise a force equivalent to the Danish 
army, and accordingly turned to Prussia 
for help. This step, which appeared highly 
politic at the moment, proved unfortunate 
in the result. The fate.of the duchies was 
henceforward bound up with the indecisive 
and vacillating policy of Frederic William 
IV., whose weakness became dail}' more 
obvious ; he was incapable of fulfilling 
any single one of the many national duties 
of which he talked so glibly. 

His first steps in the Schleswig-Holstein 
complication displayed extraordinary 
vigour. On April 3rd, 1848, two Prussian 
regiments of the Guard marched into Rends- 
p ^ . burg, and their commander, 

_ . , . General Eduard von Bonin, 
Kegiments in , ,,- , ^, ,, ' 

Rendsburg ^^'^ ^^ ultimatum on the i6th 
to the Danish troops, ordering 
them to evacuate the duchy and the town 
of Schleswig, which they had seized after 
a victory at Bau on April 9th over the 
untrained Schleswig-Holstein troops. On 
April I2th the Federal Council at Frank- 
fort recognised the provisional govern- 
ment at Kiel, and mobilised the tenth 
federal army corps, Hanover, Meck- 


lenburg, and Brunswick, for the protec- 
tion of the federal frontier. The Prussian 
general Von Wrangel united this corps 
with his own troops, and fought the Battle 
of Schleswig on the 23rd, obliging the 
Danes to retreat to Alsen and Jiitland. 

Througliout Germany the struggle of the 
duchies for liberation met with enthusi- 
astic support, and was regarded as a 
matter which affected the whole German 
race. There and in the duchies themselves 
Prussia's prompt action might well be 
considered as a token that Frederic William 
was ready to accomplish the national will 
as regarded the north frontier. Soon, how- 
ever, it became plain that British and Rus- 
sian influence was able to check the energy 
of Prussia, and to confine her action to the 
conclusion of a peace providing protection 
for the interests of the German duchies. 

The king was tormented with fears 
that he might be supporting some re- 
volutionary movement. He doubted the 
morality of his action, and was induced by 
the threats of Nicholas I., his Russian 
brother-in-law, to begin negotiations with 
Denmark. These ended in the conclusion 
of a seven months' armistice at Malmo on 
p . , August 26th, 1848, Prussia 

russia ^agreeing to evacuate the 
Evacuation of j*^ , r o t_i • t-u 

c . , . duchy of Schleswig. The 

Schleswig -^ , r ,u A 1- 

government of the duchies 
was to be undertaken by a commission of 
five members, nominated jointly by Den- 
mark and Prussia. The Frankfort Parlia- 
ment attempted to secure the rejection of 
ihe conditions, to which Prussia had as- 
sented without consulting the imperial 
commissioner, Max von Gagern, who had 
been despatched to the seat of war, these 
conditions being entirely opposed to 
German feeling. But the resolutions on 
the question were carried only by small 
majorities ; the Parliament was unable to 
ensure their realisation, and was event- 
ually forced to acquiesce in the armistice. 
Meanwhile the Assembly of the estates 
of Schleswig-Holstein hastily passed a law 
declaring the universal liability of the 
population to military service, and retired 
in favour of a " Constituent Provincial 
Assembly," which passed a new constitu- 
tional law on September 15th. TlTe con- 
nection of the duchies with the Danish 
Crown was thereby affirmed to depend 
exclusively upon the person of the common 
ruler. The Danish members of the govern- 
ment commission declined to recognise the 
new constitution, and also demurred to the 


election of deputies from Schleswig to the 
Frankfort Parliament. Shortly afterwards 
Denmark further withdrew her recognition 
of the government commission. The armis- 
tice expired without any success resulting 
from the attempts of Prussia to secure 
unanimity on the Schleswig-Holstein 
question among the Great Powers. War 
consequently broke out again in February, 
1849. Victories were gained by Prussian 
and federal troops and by a Schleswig- 
Holstein corps, in which were many 
Prussian officers on furlough from the king 
at Eckernforde on April 5th, and Kold- 
ing on April 23rd, 1849. C)n the other hand, 
the Schleswig-Holstein corps was defeated 
while besieging the Danish fortress of 
Fridericia, and forced to retreat beyond 
the Eider. On July loth, 1849, Prussia con- 
cluded a further armistice with Denmark. 
The administration of the duchies was 
entrusted to a commission composed of 
a Dane, a Prussian, and an Englishman. 

At the same time the government of 
Schleswig-Holstein was continued in Kiel 
in the name of the Provincial Assembly by 
Count Friedrich Reventlow and Wilhelm 
Hart wig Beseler, a solicitor. They tried 

to conclude some arrange- 
iscon en ^ j^gnt with the king-duke on 
Under Danish , , 1 j j ii - 1 

-. . the one hand, and on the other 

Oppression , , - x i ■ £ j.u 

to stir up a fresh rismg of the 

people against Danish oppression, which 
was continually increasing in severity in 
Schleswig. The devotion of the German 
population and the enthusiastic support 
of numerous volunteers from every part 
of Germany raised the available forces 
to 30,000 men and even made it pos- 
sible to equip a Schleswig-Holstein 
fleet. In the summer of 1850, Prussia 
gave way to the representations of 
the Powers, and concluded the " Simple 
Peace " with Denmark on July 2nd. 
Schleswig-Holstein then began the struggle 
for independence on their own resources. 
They would have had some hope of suc- 
cess with a bett • *" general than Wilhelm von 
Willisen, and if 1 iissia had not recalled her 
officers on furlougn. Willisen retired from 
the battle of Idstedt, July 24th, before 
the issue had been decided, and began a 
premature retreat. He failed to pro- 
secute the advantage gained at Missunde 
on September 12th, and retired from 
Friedrichstadt without making any im- 
pression, after sacrificing 400 men in 
a useless attempt to storm the place. 
The . German Federation, which had been 

agai)i convoked at Frankfort, revoked its 
previous decisions, in which it had recog- 
nised the rights of the duchies to determine 
their own existence, and assented to the 
peace concluded by Prussia. An Austrian 
army corps set out for the disarmament 
of the duchies. Though the Provincial 
Assembly still possessed an unbeaten army 
The Ignoble °^ 38,000 men fully equipped, it 
Methods ^^^ ^°^^^^ o^ January nth, 
of Denmark 1851, to Submit to the demands 
of Austria and Prussia to dis- 
band the . army, and acknowledge the 
Danish occupation of the two duchies. From 
1852 Denmark did her utmost to under- 
mine the prosperity of her German subjects 
and to crush their national aspirations. 

Such ignoble methods failed to produce 
the desired result. Neither the faith- 
lessness of the Prussian Government nor 
the arbitrary oppression of the Danes 
could break the national spirit of the North 
German marches. On the death of Frederic 
VII., on November 15th, 1863, they again 
asserted their national rights. Prussia had 
become convinced of their power and 
of the strength of their national feeling, 
and took the opportunity of atoning for 
her previous injustice. 

Of the many quixotic enterprises called 
into life by the " nation's spring " of 1848, 
one of the wildest was certainly the Slav 
Congress opened in Prague on June 2nd. 
Here the catchword of Slav solidarity was 
proclaimed and the idea of " Panslavism " 
discovered, which even now can raise fore- 
bodings in anxious hearts, although half 
a century has in nd way contributed to the 
realisation of the idea. At a time when the 
nations of Europe were called upon to 
determine their different destinies, it was 
only natural that the Slavs should be 
anxious to assert their demands. There 
were Slav peoples which had long been 
deprived of their national rights, and 
others, such as the Slovaks and part of 
the southern Slavs, who had never en- 

. joyed the exercise of their 

f^'h^ rights. For these a period of 

°j severe trial had begun ; it was 

^^^ for them to show whether they 
were capable of any internal development 
and able to rise to the level of national 
independence, or whether not even the 
gift of political freedom would help them 
to carry out that measure of social sub- 
ordination which is indispensable to the 
uniform development of culture. The 
first attempts in this direction were 



somewhat -of a failure ; they proved to 
contemporaries and to posterity that the 
Slavs were still in the primary stages of 
political training, that the attainment of 
practical result was hindered by the ex- 
travagance of their demands, their over- 
weening and almost comical self-conceit, 
and that for the creation of 
states they possessed little or 
no capacity. The differences 
existing in their relations with 
other peoples, the lack of uni- 
formity in the economic con- 
ditions under which they 
lived, the want of political 
training and experience — 
these were facts which they 
overlooked. They forgot the 
need of prestige and import- 
ance acquired by and within 
their own body, and con- 
sidered of chief importance 
preparations on a large scale, 

a congress of European nations to found 
Pan-Slavonic states. These states were to 
include Czechia — Bohemia and Moravia — 
a Galician - Silesian state, Posen under 
Prussian supremacy, until the fragments 
of Poland could be united into an 
independent Polish kingdom, and a 
kingdom of Slovenia which 
was to unite the Slav popu- 
lation of Styria, Carinthia, 
Carniola, and the seaboard. 
The Slav states hitherto 
under Hapsburg supremacy 
were to form a federal state ; 
the German hereditary dom- 
ains were to be graciously 
accorded the option of enter- 
ing the federation, or of 
joining the state which the 
Frankfort Parliament was to 
create. The attitude of the 
Slovaks, Croatians, and Ser- 
vians would be determined 


which could never lead to The Czech historian and politician, by the rcadiucss of the Mag- 

, ,. ,-.- , Franz Palacky, became influential -' , , ,i r 11 

any lasting political success, at the imperial court in oimutz. He yars to grant them lull 
Had their action been ^^^ ''°''" '" i^'-'^^"'*'*''^'^'" i*'''- independence. Should the 
limited to forwarding the common interests grant be refused, it would be necessary to 
of the Austrian Slavs it might have form a Slovak and a Croatian state. All 
been possible to produce a political pro- these achievements the members of the 
gramme dealing with this question, to congress considered practicable, though 
demand a central Parliament, and, they were forced to admit that the Slavs, 
through opposition to the Hungarian whom they assumed to be inspired by the 
supremacy, to assert the rights of the strongest aspirations for freedom and 
Slav majority as against the Germans.- justice, were continually attempting to 

Magyars, and Italians. But fw^" ' "' i aggrandise themselves at one 

the participation of the Poles .^^'K^^k, another's expense ; the Poles, 

in the movement, the appear- ^f " ^1^ the Ruthenians, and' the 

ance of the Russian radical ■■ ^=^K Croatians respectively, con- 

democrat Michael Bakunin, ^, '^^ ^^& sidered their most dangerous 

and of Turkish subjects, in- ilk.i^^^B enemies to be the Russians, 

finitely extended the range S^HB ^^^^ Poles, and the Servians, 

of the questions in dispute, _^9^^9^L The Czech students in 

and led to propositions of the ^^^dJHiPH^^^^ Prague had armed and or- 
most arbitrary nature, the ffipUBM^^QlH^^B ganised a guard of honour 
accomplishment of which was I^^^^^^^^^hHh for the congress. They made 
entirely beyond the sphere of ^H^BHH^^^H '^^^ ^^^^ smallest attempt to 
practical politics. Panslav- R|M^w|^^^^Hl conceal their hatred of the 
ism, as a movement, was from \^^^^^^^j^^^ Germans ; Germanism to them 
the outset deprived of all a learned visionary who believed was anathema, and they 
importance by the inveterate L"e^^rhil""e'vVutionaT 'S in yearned for the chance of dis- 
failing of the Slav politicians, Posen in is4s, and fought at the plavius; their heroism in an 
..i.,-M.,...._„.„.,.^;....u. head of the rebels at Xions. ^^nti-Gcrman struggle, as the 

which was to set no limit to the 

measure of their claims, and to represent 

themselves as stronger than they were. 

Greatly to the disgust of its organisers, 
among whom were several Austrian con- 
servative nobles, the Slav Congress be- 
came an arena for the promulgation of 
democratic theories, while it waited for 


Poles had done against Russia. They were 
supported by the middle-class citizens, and 
the working classes were easily induced to 
join in a noisy demonstration on June 12th, 
1848, against Prince Alfred Windisch- 
Graetz, the general commanding in Prague, 
as he had refused the students a grant of 


sixty thousand cartridges and a battery 
of horse artillery. The demonstration de- 
veloped into a revolt, which the Czech 
leaders used as evidence for their cause, 
though it was to be referred rather to the 
disorderly character of the Czech mob 
than to any degree of national enthusiasm. 
The members of the congress were very 
disagreeably surprised, and decamped with 
the utmost rapidity when they found them- 
selves reputed to favour the scheme for 
advancing Slav solidarity by street fights. 
The Vienna government, then thoroughly 
cowed and trembling before the mob, 
made a wholly unnecessary attempt 
at intervention. Prince Windisch-Graetz, 
however, remained master of the situa- 
tion, overpowered the rebels by force 
of arms, and secured the unconditional 
submission of Prague. He was speedily 
master of all Bohemia. The party of 
Franz Palacky, the Czech historian and 
politician, at once dropped the programme 
of the congress in its entirety, abandoned 
the ideal of Panslavism, and placed them- 
selves at the disposal of the Austrian 
Government. Czech democratism was 
an exploded idea ; the conservative Czechs 

'w.i ». . . , who survived its downfall 
The Exploded ■,-, j. j it 

»j r^ .readily co-operated m the 
Idea of Czech -'• ^- , , , ^ 

„ .. campaign against the German 

Democratism , . j ., . j . 

democrats, and attempted to 

bring their national ideas into harmony 
with the continuance of Austria as domi- 
nant power. Palacky became influential 
at the imperial court in Olmiitz and pro- 
posed the transference of the Reichstag 
to Kremsier, where his subordinate, 
Ladislaus Rieger, took an important 
share in the disruption of popular repre- 
sentation by the derision which he cast 
upon the German Democrats. 

The Austrian Slavs had acquired a highly 
favourable position by their victory over 
the revolutionary Magyars, an achieve- 
ment in which the Croatians had a very 
considerable share. They might the more 
easily have become paramount, as the 
Germans had injured their cause by their 
senseless radicalism. Their fruitless 
attempt to secure a paramount position in 
Bohemia gave them a share in the conduct 
of the state ; this they could claim by 
reason of the strength and productive 
force of their race and of their undeniable 
capacity for administrative detail, had 
they conceded to the Germans the 
position to which these latter were 
entitled by the development of the 

Hapsburg monarchy and its destiny 
in the system of European states. 
The year 1848 might perhaps have 
afforded an opportunity for the restora- 
tion of Polish independence had the 
leaders of the national policy been able to 
find the only path which could guide them 
to success. Any attempt in this direction 
ought to have been confined to 

J . the territory occupied by Russia ; 
p^j ^ any force that might have been 
raised for the cause of patriotism 
could have been best employed upon 
Russian soil. Russia was entirely isolated ; 
it was inconceivable that any European 
Power could have come to her help, 
as Prussia had come in 1831, if she 
had been at war with the Polish nation. 
Austria was unable to prevent Galicia 
from participation in a Polish revolt. 
Prussia had been won over as far as 
possible to the Polish side, for her posses- 
sions in Posen had been secured from any 
amalgamation with an independent Polish 
state. The approval of the German Par- 
liament was as firmly guaranteed to the 
Polish nationalists as was the support 
of the French Republic, provided that 
German interests were not endangered. 

Exactly the opposite course was pur- 
sued : the movement began with a rising 
in Posen, with threats against Prussia, 
with fire and slaughter in German com- 
munities, with the rejection of German 
culture, which could not have been more 
disastrous to Polish civilisation than the 
arbitrary and cruel domination of Russian, 
officials and police. Louis of Mieroslaws- 
ki, a learned visionary but no politician, 
calculated upon a victory of European 
democracy, and thought it advisable to 
forward the movement in Prussia, where 
the conservative power seemed most 
strongly rooted. He therefore began his 
revolutionary work in Posen, after the 
movement of March had set him free to 
act. On April 29th, 1848, he fought an 
unsuccessful battle at the head of 

f p^K 16,000 rebels against Colonel 
Ririn Heinrich von Brandt at Xions ; 
'^'"^ on the 30th he drove back a 
Prussian corps at Miloslaw. However, he 
gained no support from the Russian Poles, 
and democratic intrigue was unable to 
destroy the discipline of the Prussian 
army, so that the campaign in Posen was 
hopeless ; by the close of May it had come 
to an end, the armed bands were dis- 
persed, and Mieroslawski driven into exile. 










tWr iStumBBii»i^j^i„tM^ 







T~'HE European spirit of democracy which 
■*• was desirous of overthrowing existing 
states, planting its banner upon the ruins, 
and founding in its shadow new bodies 
poUtic of the nature of which no Demo- 
crat had the remotest idea, had been 
utterly defeated in France at a time 
when Italy, Germany, and Austria were 
the scene of wild enthusiasm and bloody 
self-sacrifice. Democratic hopes ran the 
course of all political ideals. The process 
of realisation suddenly discloses the fact 
that every mind has its own conception of 
any ideal, which may assume the most 
varied forms when translated into practice. 

A nation desirous of asserting its supre- 
macy may appear a unity while struggling 
against an incompetent government ; but 
as soon as the question of establishing the 
national supremacy arises, numbers of 
different interests become prominent, 
which cannot be adequately satisfied by 
_ any one constitutional form, 

r, , . The simultaneous fulfilment of 
„ ... the hopes which are common to 
all is rendered impossible, not 
only by inequality of material wealth, but 
also by the contest for power, -the exercise 
of which necessarily implies the accumu- 
lation of privileges on one side with a 
corresponding limitation on the other. 

When the goo representatives of the 
French nation declared France a republic 
on May 4th, 1848, the majority of the 
electors considered the revolution con- 
cluded, and demanded a public admini- 
stration capable of maintaining peace and 
order and removing the burdens which 
oppressed the taxpayer. The executive 
committee chosen on May loth, the i)resi- 
dent's chair being occupied by the great- 
physicist Dominique Frangois Arago, fully 
recognised the importance of the duty 
with which the, country had entiusted 
it, and was resolved honourably to 
carry out the task. But in the first days, 
of its existence the committee found itself 
confronted by an organised opposition. 

which, though excluded from the Govern- 
ment, claimed the right of performing its 
functions. Each party was composed of 
Democrats, government and opposition 
alike ; each entered the lists in the name 
of the sovereign people, those elected by 
, . the moneyed classes as well as 
J . the leaders of the idle or 

Radi 1 unemployed, who for two 
months had been in receipt 
of pay for worthless labour in the 
" national factories " of France. 

On May 15th the attack on the dominant 
party was begun by the Radicals, who 
were pursuing ideals of communism or 
political socialism, or were anxious merely 
for the possession of power which they 
might use to their own advantage. They 
found their excuse in the general sym- 
pathy for Poland. The leaders were 
Louis Blanc, L. A. Blanqui, P. J. Proud- 
hon, Etienne Cabet, and Frangois Vincent 
Raspail. Ledru-Rollin declined to join the 
party. They had no sooner gained pos- 
session of the Hotel de Ville than a few 
battalions of the National Guard arrived 
opportunely and dispersed the masses. 

The leaders of the conspiracy were 
arraigned before the court of Bourges, 
which proceeded against them with great 
severity, while the national factories 
were closed. They had cost France 
;£io,ooo daily, and were nothing more than 
a meeting-ground for malcontents and 
sedition. This measure, coupled with an 
order to the workmen to report themselves 
for service in the provinces, produced the 
June revolt, a period of street fighting, in 
_ _ which the radical Democrats, 

The Struggle ^^^^^ gathered round the red 
.. "o . r>. flag, carried on a life and death 
the Red Flag g^j-^gg^^ with the republican 
Democrats, whose watchword was the " Re- 
publique sans phrase." The monarchists 
naturally sided with the republican 
Government, to which the line troops and 
the National Guard were also faithful., 
The Minister of War, General Louis Eugene 



Cavaignac, who had won distinction in 
Algiers, supported by the generals Lamori- 
ciere and Damesne, on June 23rd success- 
fully conducted the resistance to the bands 
advancing from the / 

suburbs to the centre of 
Paris. The "Reds," how- 
ever, declined to yield, 
and on June 24th the 
National Assembly gave 
Cavaignac the dictator- 
ship. He declared Paris 
in a state of siege, and 
pursued the rebels to the 
suburb of Sainte- Antoine, 
where a fearful massacre 
on June 27th made an 
end of the revolt. The 
victory had been gained 
at heavy cost ; thousands 
of wounded lay in the 
hospitals of Paris and its 
environs. The number 
of lives 
been determined, but it 

After France had been declared a republic, 
lost has never on May 4th, ISls, a capable public adminis- 
tration was demanded, and an executive 
committee was formed with Arago, the great 

influencing the masses and prepared the 
path to supremacy for an ambitious 
member of the Bonaparte family, who had 
been repeatedly elected as a popular 
representative, and had 
held a seat in the National 
Assembly since September 
26th, 1848. From the 
date of his flight from 
Ham Louis Napoleon had 
lived in England in close 
retirement. Theoutbreak 
of the February revolu- 
tion inspired him with 
great hopes for his future ; 
he had. however, learned 
too much from Strassburg 
and Boulogne to act as 
precipitately as his sup- 
porters in France desired. 
He remained strong in 
the conviction that his 
time would come, a 
thought which relieved 
the tedium of waiting: 

equalled the carnage of astronomer and physicist, who had taken for the momcut when he 

^ , -I , .I 1 part in the Revolution of 1830, as a member. • , , + . + j. 

many a great battle, and 
included nine generals and several deputies. 
An important reaction in public feeling 
had set in ; the people's favour was now 
given to the conservative parties, and any 
compromise with the Radicals was opposed. 
The democratic republic 
W8,s based on the co- 
operation of the former 
Thiers, Montalembert, 
and Odilon Barrot again 
became prominent figures. 
Cavaignac was certainly 
installed at the head of 
the executive committee ; 
his popularity paled 
apace, however, as he did 
not possess the art of 
conciliating the bourgeois 
by brilliant speeches or 
promises of relief from 
taxation. The constitu- 
tion, which was ratified 
after two months' dis- 

might venture to act. 
He tendered his thanks to the republic 
for permission to return to his native 
land after so many ■ years of pro- 
scription and banishment ; he assured 
the deputies who were his colleagues of 
the zeal and devotion 
which he would bring to 
their labours, which had 
hitherto been known to 
him only " by reading 
and meditation.". His 
candidature for the 
president's chair was then 
accepted not only by his 
personal friends and by 
the adherents of the 
Bonapartist empire, but 
also by numerous 
members of conservative 
tendencies, who saw in 
imcompromising Republi- 
cans like Cavaignac no 
hope of salvation from 
the terrors of anarchv. 


, , -vT , • 1 Socialist and historian, he was appointed a ,-,, , ,, j i 

CllSSlOn by the National member of the Provisional Government in They WCrC lollowed by 

Aci^pmblv nrpt;prvpr1 thp '*^^' escaping: to London on being unjustly ii1f,-nmnntnnp<; Orlennists 

y^SSeniOiy, prPSerVCU tne accused of compUcity in the disturbances of UlTiamomaneS, WIieaillbLb, 

fundamental principle of that year, he there completed his " Histoire legitimists, and socialists 

j.u„ ,,„„^l„'„ „„ „ ;„ i de la Revolution," returning later to France. ? i • „.,j j.„ 4,V,^ 

the people's sovereignty. 
The choice of a president of the republic 
was not left to the deputies, but was to 
be decided by a plebiscite. This provision 
opened the way to agitators capable of 


who objected to the 
republican doctrinaires, and used their 
influence in the election which took place 
on December loth, 1848. Against the 
one and a half millions who supported 


•Cavaignac, an unexpectedly large majority of Europe. The president of the citizen 

of five and a half millions voted for the . republic was thus a member of the 

son of Louis Bonaparte and Hortense family of that great conqueror and sub- 

Beauharnais. As a politician no one duer of the world whose remembrance 

considered him of an 3^ 
account, but every party 
hoped to be able to use 
him for their own pur- 
poses or for the special 
objects of their ambitious 
or office-seeking leaders. 
The behaviour of the 
National Assembly was 
not very flattering when 
the result of the voting 
was announced on 
December 20th. " Some, 
who w^ere near Louis 
Bonaparte's seat," says 
Victor Hugo, " expressed 
approval ; the rest of the 
Assembly preserved a cold 
silence. Marrast, the 
president, invited the 

aroused feelings of pride 
in every Frenchman, ii 
his patriotism were not 
choked by legitimism ; it 
was a problem difficult 
of explanation. No one 
knew whether the presi- 
dent was to be addressed 
as Prince, Highness, Sir, 
Monseigneur, or Citizen. 
To something greater he 
was bound to grow, or a 
revolution would forth- 
with hurl him back into 
the obscurity whence he 
had so suddenly emerged. 
But of revolution France 
had had more than 
enough. " Gain and the 


An advanced Socialist, Proudhon published CnjOymcnt Ot it WaS 

chosen candidate to take works asserting that "Property is theft." ir. the watchword, and Louis 

<^ixwovii v,tiii»^ V u,i. .. jg^g j^g ^^g sentenced to three years im- t.t , j. j -j. 

the oath. Louis Bona- prisonment for the violence of his utter- JNapoleon accepted It. 

parte, buttoned up in a ances, and in 1S5S received a similar sentence, yjctor HugO claimS tO 

black coat, the cross of the Legion of have shown him the fundamental principles 

Honour on his breast, passed through the 
door on the right, ascended the tribune, 
and calmly repeated the words after 
Marrast ; he then read a speech, with the 
unpleasant accent peculiar 
to him, interrupted by a 
few cries of assent. He 
pleased his hearers by 
his unstinted praise of 
Cavaignac. In a few 
moments he had finished, 
and left the tribune amid 
a general shout of ' Long 
hve the republic !' but 
with none of the cheers 
which had accompanied 
Cavaignac." Thus " the 
new man " was received 
with much discontent and 
indifference, with scanty 
respect, and with ni> 
single spark of enthusi- 
asm. He was, indeed, 


of the art of government at the first 
dinner in the Elysee. Ignorance of the 
people's desires, disregard of the national 
pride, had led to the downfall of Louis 
- Philippe ; the most im- 
portant thing was to raise 
the standard of peace. 
" And how ? " asked the 
prince. '•' By the triumphs 
of industry and progress, 
by great artistic, literary, 
and scientific efforts. The 
labour of the nation can 
create marvels. France 
is a nation of conquerors ; 
if she does not conquer 
with the sword, she will 
conquer by her genius 
and talent. Keep that 
fact in view and you will 
advance ; forget it, and 
you are lost." Louis did 
not possess this power of 

without p-enius or fire '" l*^'^ ^^'^ distmgrmshed general became exprCSSlOn, but With the 

wmiUUL ^eaiub Ul inc Minister of War, and earned his success on t^ ' , , , 

and of very moderate the field into his office of military dictator, iclca ne naa long ueei 

capacity; but he under- ^.T f LTdS \o? {^ pS^n*^^^^^^^ familiar. He now m 

stood the effect of republic when Louis Napoleon was elected. crCaSCd hlS grasp 01 it 

commonplaces and the baser motives of 
his political instruments, and was therefore 
able to attract both the interest of France 
and the general attention of the whole 

He knew that men get tired of great 
movements, political convulsion, hypo- 
critical posing. Most people are out of 
breath after they have puffed themselves 



like Uie frog in the fable, 
to rccc-ver their wind, 
cksire for quietude pre- 
vailed, Napoleon the 
citoyen was secure of the 
favour of France. The 
moment he appealed to 
"great feelings" his art 
had reached its limits 
and he became childish 
and insignificant. His 
political leanings favoured 
the Liberalism for which 
the society of Paris had 
created the July kingdom. 
This tendency was shown 
in his appointment of 
Odilon Barrot as head of 
his Ministry, and of 
Edouard Drouyn de 
I'Huys, one of his personal 
adherents, as First 
Minister of Foreign Affairs. 
Desire to secure the 

and need a rest 
As long as this 

constituted authority against furthei; 

attacks of the " Reds" was the dominant 
feeling which influenced 
the elections to the 
National Assembly. By 
the election law, which 
formed part of the con- 
stitution, these were held 
in May, 1849. The 
majority were former 
Royalists and Constitu- 
tionalists, who began of 
express purpose a re- 
actionary policj^ after the 
revolt of the Communists 
in June, 1848. Fearful 
of the Italian democracy, 
into the arms of which 
Piedmont had rushed, 

VICTOR HUGO France let slip the favour- 
Greatest among the poets of France, Victor able opportunity of 
Hugo claimed to have shown Louis Napoleon foStcring the Italian 
the fundamental, principles of the art of j^QVement for UUity and 
government, advismg him at the first dmner r , i • i . • ' i 
m the Elys6e to raise the standard of peace, ''i i^'t^iii^ 

Returning to France in 1S48, after a few years of quiet seclusion in England, Louis Napoleon was elected deputy for 
Paris in the Constituent Assembly of June, and in December was elected president. But it was not long before he 
quarrelled with the Chambers, carrying out a coup d'6tat on December 1st, 1851, by overthrowing the constitution. 


The son of Louis Bonaparte, brother of the great Napoleon, Louis Napoleon had engaged in various schemes to recover 
the throne of France before his coup d'iStat in 1851 prepared the way for his election to the throne of his illustrious uncle. 
On December 2nd, 1852, the Empire was proclaimed with Louis Napoleon as Napoleon III. On January 2(tth, 1853, he 
married Eugenie de Montijo, a Spanish countess, and twenty years later, on January 9th, 1873, died in England. 

in the peninsula. Had she listened to 
Charles Albert's appeal for help, the defeat 
of Novara could have been avoided, and 
the Austrian Government would not have 
gained strength enough to become the 
centre of a reactionary movement which 
speedily interfered both with the revo- 
lutionary desires of the Radicals and the 
more modest demands of the moderate- 
minded friends of freedom. 

Louis Bonaparte fully appreciated the 
fact that the sentiments of the population 
at large were favourable to a revival of 
The Pope's governmental energy through- 
c out almost the whole of Europe. 

Supremacy tt ii a ^u r 

J, . . He saw that the excesses of 
Restored . , i , • i 

tlie mob, which were as passion- 
ately excited as they were morally de- 
graded, had restored confidence, among the 
moneyed classes and those who desired 
peace, in the power of religious guidance 
and education. For these reasons he 
acquiesced in the restoration of the 
temporal supremacy of the Pope, which 
the democracy had abolished, thereby 
rendering the greatest of all possible 
services to the ultramontanes. 

In March, 1848, Pius IX., the " National 
Pope," had assented to the introduction 
within the states of the Church of a 

constitutional form of government. At the 
same time he had publicly condemned the 
war of Piedmont and the share taken in 
it by the Roman troops, which he had been 
unable to prevent. This step had con- 
siderably damped public enthusiasm in his 
behalf. Roman feeling also declared 
against him when he refused his assent to 
the liberal legislation of the Chambers 
and transferred the government to the 
hands of Count Pellegrino de Rossi. The 
count's murder, on November 15th, 1848, 
marked the beginning of a revolution in 
Rome which ended with the imprisonment 
of the Pope in the Quirinal, his flight to 
the Neapolitan fortress of Gaeta on 
November 27th, and the establishment 
of a provisional government. 

The Pope was now inclined to avail 
himself of the services offered by Pied- 
mont for the recovery of his power. 
However, the constituent National As- 
sembly at Rome, which was opened 
on February 5th, 1849, voted for the 
restoration of the Roman republic by 
120 votes against 23, and challenged the 
Pope to request the armed interference of 
the Catholic Powers in his favour. The 
Roman republic became the central point 
of the movement for Italian unity, and was 



■joined, by Venice, Tuscany, and Sicily. 
Mazzini was the head of tlie triumvirate 
which held the executive power ; Giuseppe 
Garibaldi directed the forces for national 
defence, of which 
Rome was now 
made the head- 
quarters. The 
republic " which 
was being organ- 
ised in France 
would have no 
dealings with the 
descendants of 
the Carbonari, or 
with the cliiefs 
of the revo- 
lutionary party 
in Europe. It 
considered alli- 
ance with the 
clericals abso- 
lutely indispens- 
able to its own 
Hence came the 
agreement to co- 


monuments of artistic skill were destroyed. 
The city was forced to surrender on July 
3rd, 1849, after Garibaldi had marched 
away with 3,000 volunteers. By its 
attitude upon the 
Roman question, 
and by its re- 
fusal of support 
to the German 
Democrats, who 
were making 
their last efforts 
in the autumn 
of 1849 for the 
establishment of 
Republicanism in 
Germany, the 
French Republic 
gradually lost 
touch with the 
principles on 
which it was 
based. Its in- 
ternal disruption 
was expedited 
by the clumsi- 
ness of its con- 

■lUS IX 

n-ne^ra + c^ ixr i + Vl Succeeding Gregory XVI. in 1846, Pope Pius IX. introduced a series , • , , • \ 

upeid.Le WILU of reforms and won the affections of the populace. During- the ^ "^ ^ "^ ^ '^ ^ *^ ^ • /^ 

Austria, Spain, revolutionary fever of ISlS, however, he opposed the public desire Chamber prO- 

and Naples for ^"'^ ^ ^^^ ^'th Austri.i, and the mob became so menacing- that he -vicied with fuil 

the purpose of ^"""'^ '* expedient to make his escape from the Quirinal in disguise, legislative pOWer 

restoring the Pope to his temporal power, 'and indissoluble for three years con- 

Twenty thousand men were at once 
despatched under Marshal Oudinot, and 
occupied the harbour town of Civita 
Vecchia on April 25th, 1849. 

The president, however, had no intention 
of reimposing upon the Romans papal 
absolutism, with all the scandals of such 
a government. He sent out his trusty 
agent, Ferdinand de Lesseps, to effect 
some compromise between the Pope and 
the Romans which should result in the 
establishment of a moderate Liberal 
government. Oudinot, however, made a 
premature appeal to force of arms. He 
suffered a reverse before the walls of 
Rome on April 30th, and the military 
honour of France, which a descendant 
of Napoleon could not afford to dis- 
regard, demanded the conquest of the 
Eternal City. Republican soldiers thus 
found themselves co-operating with the 
reactionary Austrians, who entered 
Boulogne on May 19th, and reduced half 
of Ancona to ashes. On June 20th, the 
bombardment of Rome began, in the 
course of which many of the most splendid 


fronted a president elected by the votes 
of a nation to an office tenable for only 
four years, on the expiration of which he 
was at once eligible for re-election. 
~ Honest Republicans had foreseen that 
election by the nation would give the 
president a superfluous prestige and 
a dangerous amount of power ; but the 
majority of the Constituent Assembly had 
been " inspired with hatred of the republic. 
-J . , They were anxious to have an 
apo con s ij^fjgpgi^^jgji^^ power side by side 

. *jt**ff ^^ with the Assembly, perhaps 
with the object of afterwards 
restoring the monarchy." This object 
Louis Bonaparte was busily prosecuting. 
On October 31st, 1849, he issued a message 
fb the country, in which he gave himself 
out to be the representative of the Napo- 
leonic system, and explained the main- 
tenance of peace and social order to be 
dependent upon his own position. Under 
pressure from public opinion, the Chamber 
passed a new electoral law on I\Iay 31st, 
1850, which abolished about three millions 
out of ten million votes, chiefly those of 


town electors, and required the presence 
of a quarter of the electorate to form 
a quorum. The Radicals were deeply 
incensed at this measure, and the Conserva- 
tives by no means satisfied. The president 
attempted to impress his personality on 
the people by making numerous tours 
through tlie country, and to conciliate 
the original electorate, to whose decision 
alone he was ready to bow. 

A whole year passed before he ventured 
upon any definite steps ; at one time 
the Chamber showed its power, 

The Waiting 


of Napoleon 

at another it would display 
compliance. However, he could 

not secure the three-quarters 
majority necessary for determining a 
revision of the constitution, although 
seventy-nine out of eighty-five general 
councillors supported the proposal. There 
could be no doubt that the presidential 
election of May, 1852, would have forced 
on the revision, for the reason that Louis 
Napoleon would have been elected by an 
enormous majority, though the constitu- 
tion did not permit immediate re-election. 
A revolt of this nature on the part of the 

whole population against the law would 
hardly have contributed to strengthen the 
social order which rests upon constitu- 
tionally established rights ; the excite- 
ment of the elections might have produced 
a fresh outbreak of radicalism, which was 
especially strong in the south of France, 
at Marseilles and Bordeaux. The fear of 
some such movement was felt in cottage 
and palace alike, and was only to be 
obviated by a monarchical government. 
No hope of material improvement in the 
conditions of life could be drawn from 
the speeches delivered in the Chamber, 
with their vain acrimony, their bombastic 
self -laudation, and their desire for im- 
mediate advantage. The childlike belief 
in the capacity and zeal o'f a national 
representative assembly was destroyed 
for ever by the experience of twenty years. 
The Parliament was utterly incompetent 
to avert a coup d'etat, a danger which 
had been forced upon its notice in the 
autumn of 1851. It had declined a pro- 
posal to secure its command of the army 
by legislation, although the growing 
popularity of the new Caesar with the 




army was perfectly obvious, and though 
General Saint-Arnaud had engaged to 
leave North Africa, and conduct the armed 
interference which was the first step 
to a revision of the constitution without 
consulting the views of the Parliament. 
After long and serious deliberation the 
president had determined upon the coup 
. d'etat ; the preparations were 

""^fif ""^ made by Napoleon's half- 
c A"t t brother, his mother's son. Count 

°"'* * de Morny, and by Count 
Flahault. He was supported by the faithful 
Persigny, while the management of the 
army was in the hands of Saint-Arnaud. 
On December 2nd, i85i,the day of Ausffer- 
litz and of the coronation of his great 
uncle, it was determined to make the 
nephew supreme over France. General 
Bernard Pierre Magnan, commander of the 
garrison at Paris, won over twenty generals 
to the cause of Bonaparte in the event of 
conflict. Louis himself, when his resolve 
had been taken, watched the course of 
events with great coolness. Morny, a 
prominent stock - exchange speculator, 
bought up as much state paper as he could 
get, in the conviction that the coup d'-^cat 
would cause a general rise of stock. 

•The movement was begun by the Director 
of Police, Charlemagne Emile de Maupas, 
who surprised in their beds and took 
prisoner every member of importance in 
the Chamber, about sixty captures being 
thus made, including the generals Cavaig- 
nac, Changarnier, and I.amoriciere ; at the 
same time the points of strategic import- 
ance round tlie meeting hall of the National 
Assembly were occupied by the troops, 
which had been reinforced from the 
environs of Paris. The city awoke to find 
placards posted at the street corners 
containing three short appeals to the 
nation, the population of the capital, 
and the army, and a decree dissolving the 
National Assembly, restoring the right of 
universal suffrage, and declaring Paris 

„ . . and the eleven adjacent depart- 
Paris m ,■ .-<•• t 

_ ments m a state of siege. In 

, c- the week, December 14th to 
of Siege , ' ^ 

2ist, 10,000,000 Frenchmen 

were summoned to the ballot-box to vote 
for or against the constitution proposed by 
the president. This constitution provided 
a responsible head of the state, elected for 
ten years, and threefold representation of 
the people through a state council, a 
legislative body, and a senate, the 
executive power being placed under the 


control of the sovereign people. On his. 
a})pearance the president was warmly 
greeted by both people and troops, and no 
opposition was offered to the expulsion 
of the deputies who attempted to protest 
against the breach of the constitution. 

It was not until December 3rd that the 
revolt of the Radicals and Socialists broke 
out ; numerous barricades were erected 
in the heart of Paris^ and were furiously 
contested. But the movement was not 
generally supported, and the majority of 
the citizens remained in their houses. 
The troops won a complete victory, which 
was stated to have secured the establish- 
ment of the " democratic republic," though 
unnecessary acts of cruelty made it appear 
an occasion of revenge upon the Democrats. 
The exponents of barricade warfare were 
destroyed as a class for a long time to 
come, not only in Paris, but in the other 
great towns of France, where the last 
struggles of the Revolution were fought out. 
The impression- caused by this success, 
by the great promises which Louis Napo- 
leon made to his adherents, and by the 
rewards which he had begun to pay them, 
decided the result of the national 


vote upon the change in the 
constitution, or, more correctly, 
upon • the elevation of Louis 
Napoleon to the dictatorship. By Decem- 
ber 2oth, 1851, 7,439,246 votes were 
given in his favour, against 640,737. 
Bonapartism in its new form became the 
governmental system of France. 

"The severest absolutism that the nine- 
teenth century has seen was founded by 
the general demonstrations of a democracy. 
The new ruler, in the early years of his 
government, was opposed by all the best 
intellects in the nation ; the most brilliant 
names in art and science, in politics and 
war, were united against him, and united 
with a unanimity almost unparalleled 
in the course of history. A time began in 
which wearied brains could find rest in the 
nirvana of mental vacuity, and in which 
nobler natures lost nearly all of the best 
that life could give. For a few years, 
liowever, the masses were undeniably 
prosperous and contented ; so small is 
the significance of mental power in an 
age of democracy and popular administra- 
tion." It is the popular will which must 
bear the responsibility for the fate of 
France during the next two decades ; 
the nation had voluntarily humbled itself 
and bowed its neck to an adroit adventurer. 





fl ! U I i ^ 








/^N May i8th, 1848, 586 representatives 

^^ of every German race met in the 

Church of St. Paul at Frankfort-on-Main to 

create a constitution corresponding to the 

national needs and desires. The great 

majority of the deputies belonging to the 

National Assembly, in whose number were 

included many distinguished men, scholars, 

manufacturers, officials, lawyers, property 

owners of education and experience, were 

firmly convinced that the problem was 

capable of solution, and were honourably 

and openly determined to devote their 

best energies to the task. In the days 

of " the dawn of the new freedom," which 

illumined the countenances of politicians 

in the childhood of their experience, flushed 

with yearning and expectation, the power 

of conviction, the blessing that would be 

produced by immovable principles were 

believed as gospel. It was thought that 

the power of the Government was broken, 

. ...1 ^ that the Government, willing 
In the Dawn n- xi 

or unwiUmg, was m the 

-. „ . ,, people's hands, and could 
New Freedom ^ ^ '. ir j. i-i 

accommodate itself to the 

conclusions of the German constituents. 
Only a few were found to doubt the relia- 
bility of parliamentary institutions, and the 
possibility of discovering what the people 
wanted and of carrying out their wishes. 

No one suspected that the expei'i- 
ence of half a century would show the 
futility of seeking for popular unanimity, 
the division of the nation into classes at 
variance with one another, the disregard 
of right and reason by parliamentary, 
political, social, religious, and national 
parties as well as by princes, and the 
inevitability of solving every question 
which man is called upon to decide by 
the victory of the strong will over the weak. 

A characteristic feature of all theoretical 
political systems is very prominent in 
Liberalism, which was evolved from theory 
and not developed in practice. This feature 
is the tendency to stigmatise all institutions 
which cannot find a place within the 

theoretical system as untenable, useless, 
and to be abolished in consequence ; hence 
the first demand of the Liberal politician 
is the destruction of all existing organisa- 
tion, in order that no obstacle may impede 
the erection of the theoretical structure. 
Liberals, like socialists and 
. . * anarchists, argue that states are 
P . . . formed by establishing a ready- 
made system, for which the 
ground must be cleared as it is required. 
They are invariably the pioneers to open 
the way for the Radicals, those impatient 
levellers who are ready to taste the sweets 
of destruction even before they have 
formed any plans for reconstruction, who 
are carried away by the glamour of 
idealism, though utterly incapable of 
realising any ideal, who at best a'Ve 
impelled only by a strong desire of 
" change," when they are not inspired by 
the greed which most usually appears as 
the leading motive of human action. 

Thus it was that the calculations ot the 
German Liberals neglected the existence of 
the Federal Assembly, of the federation of 
the states, and of their respective govern- 
ments. They took no account of those 
forms in which German political life had 
found expression for centuries, and their 
speeches harked back by preference to a 
tribal organisation which the nation had 
long ago outgrown, and which even the 
educated had never correctly appreciated. 
They fixed their choice upon a constitu- 
tional committee, which was to discover 
the form on which the future German 
state would be modelled ; they created 
a central power for a state 
as yet non-existent, with- 
out clearly and intelligibly 
defining its relations to 
the ruling governments who were in 
actual possession of every road to power. 
Discussion upon the "central power" 
speedily brought to light the insurmount- 
able obstacles to the formation of a consti- 
tution acceptable to every party, and this 


Obstacles to 
the Formation of 
a Constitution 


without any interference on the part of 
the governments. The Democrats decUned 
to recognise anything but an executive 
committee of the sovereign National 
Assembly ; the Liberals made various 
proposals for a triple committee in con- 
nection with the governments. The bold 
mind of the president, Heinrich von 
^. „ . Gagern, eventually soothed 

The Popular. ^i^e^ He invited the 

Archduke John p^^y^^^^^^ to appomt, in 
of Austria • , r ■ , i 

vn-tue of its plenary powers, 
an Imperial Administrator who should un- 
dertake the business of the Federal Council, 
then on the point of dissolution, and act 
in concert with an imperial Ministry. - ■ 

The Archduke John of Austria^ was 
elected on June 24th, 1848, by 436 out of 
548 votes, and the law regarding the 
central power was passed on the 28th. 
Had the ofhce of Imperial Administrator 
been regarded merely as a temporary 
expedient until the permanent forms 
were settled, the choice of the archduke 
would have been entirely happy ; he 
was popular, entirely the man for the 
post, and ready to further progress in 
every department of intellectual and 
material life. But it was , a grievous 
mistake to expect him to create substance 
out of shadow, to direct the development 
of the German state by a further use of 
the " bold grasp," and to contribute 
materially to the realisation of its being. 

The Archduke John was a good-hearted 

man and a fine speaker, full of confidence in 

the " excellent fellows," and ever inclined 

to hold up the "bluff " inhabitants of the 

Alpine districts as examples to the other 

Germans ; intellectually stimulating within 

his limits, and with a keen eye to economic 

advantage ; but Nature had not intended 

him for a politician. His political ideas 

were too intangible ; he used words with 

no ideas behind them, and though his 

own experience had not always been of the 

pleasantest, it had not taught him the feel- 

_ , ing then prevalent in Aus- 

uermany s , " f ■ i t- . 1 

J . . trian court cnxles. For the 

A . ■ ■ t t moment his election pro- 
Administrator . , r ^ ,, 

mised an escape from all 

manner of embarrassments. The govern- 
ments could recognise his position without 
committing themselves to the approval of 
any revolutionary measure ; they might 
even allow that his election was the 
beginning of an understanding with the 
reigning German houses. This, however, 
was not the opinion of the leading party in 


the National Assembly. The Conserva- 
tives, the Right, or tlie Right Centre, as they 
preferred to be called, were alone in their 
adherence to the sound principle that only 
by way of mutual agreement between the 
Parliament and the governments could a 
constitutional German body politic be 
established. Every other party was agreed 
that the people must itself formulate its 
own constitution, as only so would it 
obtain complete recognition of its rights. 

This fact alone excluded the possibility 
of success. The decision of the question 
was indefinitely deferred, the favourable 
period - in which the governments were 
inclined : to consider the necessity of 
making concessions to the popular desires 
was wasted in discussion, and opportunity 
was given to particularism to recover its 
strength. There was no desire for a federal 
union endowed with vital force and 
offering a strong front to other nations. 
Patriots were anxious only to invest 
doctrinaire Liberalism and its extravagant 
claims with legal form, and to make _ the 
governments feel the weight of a vigorous 
national sentiment. The lessons of the 
„ ,.^ French Revolution and its sad 

Hereditary i ■ , i , ,i 

^ . history were lost upon the 

.. ^ Germans. Those who held the 

tne uerman , , ,. „ . , . , , 

fate of Germany m their hands, 

many of them professional politicians, 

were unable to conceive that their 

constituents were justified in expecting 

avoidance on , their part of the worst of 

all political errors. 

The great majority by which the 
central power had been constituted soon 
broke up into groups, too insignificant to 
be called political parties and divided 
upon wholly immaterial points. The 
hereditary curse of the German, dogmatism 
and personal vanity, with a consequent 
distaste for voluntary subordination; posi- 
tively devastated Monarchists and Re- 
publicans alike. The inns were scarcely 
adequate in number to provide head- 
quarters for a score of societies which 
considered the promulgation of political 
programmes as their bounden duty. 

On July 14th, 1848, the Archduke 
John made his entry into Frankfort, and 
the Federal Council was dissolved the same 
day. The Imperial Administrator esta- 
blished a provisional Ministry to conduct 
the business of the central power till he 
had completed the work at Vienna which 
his imperial nephew had entrusted to 
his care. At the beginning of August, 1848, 


he established himself in Frankfort, and 
appointed Prince Friedrich Karl von 
Leiningen as the head of the Ministry, 
which also included the Austrian, Anton 
von Schmerling; the 
Hamburg lawyer, Moritz 
Hecksctj^r ; the Prussians, 
Hermann von Beckerath and 
General Eduard von Peucker ; 
the Bremen senator, Arnold 
Duckwitz ; and the Wiirtem- 
berger, Robert von Mohl, pro- 
fessor of political science at 

To ensure the prestige of 
the central power, the Minister 
of War, Von Peucker, had 
given orders on August 6th 
for a general review' of con- 
tingents furnished by the 


Austrian House, and continued confi- 
dential relations with him for a consider- 
able time. The German governments 
further appointed plenipotentiaries to re- 
present their interests with the 
central power ; these would 
have been ready to form a kind 
of Monarchical Council side by 
side with the National As- 
sembly, and would thus have 
been highly ^rviceable to the 
imperial administrator as a 
channel of communication 
with the governments. But 
the democratic pride of the 
body which met in the Church 
of St. Paul had risen too high 
to tolerate so opportune a 
step towards a " system of 
mutual accommodation." On 

German states, who were to This German statesman was piesu August jOth the central 
give three cheers to the Arch- f„^?L°Jear^s];t"a'nd?t wts^mS P^^^^^r was obliged to declare 
duke John as imperial ad- on his suggestion that an imperial that the plenipotentiaries 

. . , , T^i 1 • Administrator was appointed. r .i • j • • i ^ j. i. 

mmistrator. The mode m ot the individual states 

which this order was carried out plainly possessed no competence to influence 

showed that the governments did not the decisions of the central power, or 

regard it as obligatory, and respected it to conduct any systematic business, 

only so far as they thought good. It was The new European power had notified its 

obeyed only in Saxony, 
Wiirtemberg, and the 
smaller states. Prussia 
allowed only her gar- 
risons in the federal 
fortresses to participate 
in the parade ; Bavaria 
ordered her troops to 
cheer the king belore the 
imperial administrator. In 
Austria no notice w^as 
taken of the order, except 
in Vienna, as it affected 
the ai'chduke ; the Italian 
army did not trouble itself 
about the imperial Min- 
ister of War in the least. 
At the same time, the 
relations of the govern 

existence by special em- 
bassies to various foreign 
states, and received fe- 
cognition in full from the 
Netherlands, Belgium, 
Sweden, Switzerland, and 
the United States of 
North America ; Russia 
ignored it, while the 
attitude of France and 
I Britain was marked by 
I distrust and doubt. 
Austria was in the throes 
of internal convulsion 
(luring the summer of 
1848 and unable seriously 
to consider the German 
question ; possessing a 
confidential agent of pre- 

ments and the central archduke john of Austria eminent position in the 
power were bv no means a "good-hearted man and a fine speaker," he persoii of the Axchduke 

nnfripnrlhr TVip TCinrr nf waselected Imperial Administrator ; he entered ] ^Uy. ohe waS able tO 
UninenCUy. ineivmgOI prankfort on July nth, l,s4s, and on the same J "^"'' ^^it- vvdb d-'-'it- lu 

Prussia did not hide his day the Federal council was dissolved, where- rcservc her dccision. 

high personal esteem of upon he established a provisional Ministry. With PrUSsia, hoW- 

the Imperial Administrator, and showed ever, serious complications speedily arose 

from the v 0: in Schleswig - Holstein. 
Parliament \.as aroused to great excite- 
ment by the armistice of Malmo, which 
Prussia concluded on August 26th, with- 
out consulting Max von Gagern, the 
impenal state secretary commissioned to 


him special tokens of regard at the 
festivities held at Cologne on August 
14th, 1848, in celebration of the six 
hundredth anniversary of the foundation 
ol the cathedral. Most of the federal 
princes honoured him as a member of the 



the duchies by the central power. The 

central power had declared the Schleswig- 

Holstein question a "matter of national 

importance, and in virtue of the right 

which had formerly belonged to the 

Federal Council demanded a share in 

the settlement. On September 5th, 

Dahlmann proposed to set on foot the 

necessary measures for carrying 

out the armistice ; the proposal, 

_ ,, ^ when* sent up by the Ministry 
Frankfort . n I- • ^ j 

for confirmation, was rejected 

by 244 to 230 votes. Dahlmann, who was 
now entrusted by the Imperial Adminis- 
trator with the formation of a new 
Ministry, was obliged to abandon the 
proposal after many days of fruitless 
effort. Ignoring the imperial Ministry, 
the Assembly proceeded to discuss the 
steps to be taken with reference to the 
armistice which was already in process of 
fulfilment. Meanwhile the democratic Left 
lost their majority in the Assembly, and 
the proposal of the committee to refuse 
acceptance of the armistice and to declare 
war on Denmark through the provisional 
central power was lost by 258 votes to 237. 

This result led to a revolt in Frankfort, 
begun by the members of the Extreme 
Left under the leadership of Zitz of Mainz 
and their adherents in the town and in 
the neighbouring states of Hesse and 
Baden. The town senate was forced to 
apply to the garrison of Mainz for military 
protection and to guard the meeting of 
the National Assembly on September i8th, 
1848, with an Austrian and a Prussian 
battalion of the line. The revolutionaries, 
here as in Paris, terrified the Parliament 
by the invasion of an armed mob, and 
sought to intimidate the members to the 
passing of resolutions which would have 
brought on a civil war. 

Barricades were erected, and two deputies 

of the Right, Prince Felix Lichnowsky and 

Erdmann of Auerswald. were cruelly miu"- 

dered. Even, the long-suffering archducal 

^ ,. „ administrator of the empire was 
Frankfort s r -, , -i \, j- 

_ forced to renounce the hope of 

g .a pacific termination of the 

quarrel. The troops were ordered 
to attack the barricades, and the disturb- 
ance was put down in a few hours with no 
great loss of life. The citizens of Frankfort 
had not fallen into the trap of the " Reds," 
or given any support to the des]:)eradoes 
with whose help the German republic was 
to be founded. A few days later the pro- 
fessional revolutionary, Gustav Struve, met 


the fate he deserved ; after invading Baden 
with an armed force from France, "to help 
the great cause of freedom to victory," 
he was captured at Lorrach on September 
25th, 1848, and thrown into prison. 

The German National Assehibly was now 
able to resume its meetings, but the public 
confidence in its lofty position and powers 
had been greatly shaken. Had the radical 
attempt at intimidation proved successful, 
the Assembly would speedily have ceased 
to exist. It was now able to turn its 
attention to the question of " fundamental 
rights," while the governments in Vienna 
and Berlin were fighting for the right of 
the executive power. The suppression of 
the Vienna revolt by Windisch-Graetz 
had produced a marked impression in 
Prussia. The conviction was expressed 
that the claims of the democracy to a 
share in the executive power by the sub- 
jects of the state, and their interference 
in government affairs, were to be uncon- 
ditionally rejected. Any attempt to 
coerce the executive authorities was to be 
crushed by the sternest measures, by force 
of arms, ii need be ; otherwise the main- 
tenance of order was im- 

cverc possible, and without this 

Measures of the ^ 


there could be no peaceful 
enjoyment of constitu- 
tional rights. It was clear that compliance 
on the part of the government with the 
demands of the revolutionary leaders would 
endanger the freedom of the vast majority 
of the population ; the latter were ready to 
secure peace and the stability of the exist- 
ing order of things by renouncing in favour 
of a strong government some part of those 
rights which Liberal theorists had aligned 
to them. In view of the abnormal ex- 
citement then prevailing, such a pro- 
gramme necessitated severity and self- 
assertion on the part of the government. 
This would be obvious in time of peace, 
but at the moment the fact was not likely 
to be appreciated. 

The refusal to fire a salute upon the 
occasion of a popular demonstration in 
Schweidnitz on July 31st, 1848, induced the 
Prussian National Assembly to take steps 
which were calculated to diminish the 
consideration and the respect of armed 
force, which was a highl}^ beneficial in- 
fluence in those troublous times. The re- 
sult was the retirement on September 7th 
of the Auerswald-Hansemann Ministry, 
which had been in ofiice since June 25th ; 
it was followed on September 21st by a 


bureaucratic Ministry under the presi- 
dency of General Pfuel, which was with- 
out influence either with the king or the 
National Assembly. The Left now obtained 
the upper hand. As president they chose 
a moderate, the railway engineer, Hans 
Victor von Unruh, and as vice-president 
the leader of the Extreme Left, the doc- 
trinaire lawyer, Leo Waldeck. During the 
deliberations on the constitution they 
erased the phrase " By the grace of God " 
from the king's titles, and resolved on 
October 31st, 1848, to request the Imperial 
Government in Frankfort to send help to 
the revolted Viennese. This step led to 
long continued communications between 
the Assembly and the unemployed classes, 
who were collected by the democratic 
agitators, and surrounded the royal theatre 
where the deputies held their sessions. 

On November ist. 1848, news arrived 
of the fall of Vienna, and Frederic William 
IV. determined to intervene in support of 
his kingdom. He dismissed Pfuel and 
placed Count William of Brandenburg, 
son of his grandfather Frederic William II. 
and of the Countess Sophia Juliana 

Friederika of Donhoff, at the 
. . head of a new ]\Iinistr3^ He 
_ ^ . then despatched 15.000 troops, 

under General Friedrich von 
Wrangel, to Berlin, the city being shortly 
afterwards punished by the declaration of 
martial law. The National Assembly was 
transfen'ed from Berlin to Brandenburg. 
The Left, for the purpose of " undisturbed " 
deliberation, repeatedly met in the Berlin 
coffee-houses, despite the prohibition of 
the president of the Ministry, but even- 
tually gave way and followed the Con- 
servatives to Brandenburg, after being twice 
dispersed by the troops. Berlin and the 
Marks gave no support to the democracy. 
The majority of the population dreaded 
a reign of terror by the " Reds," and 
were delighted with the timely opposi- 
tion. They also manifested their satis- 
faction at the dissolution of the National 
Assembly, which had given few appre- 
ciable signs of legislative activity in 
Brandenburg, at the publication on 
December 5th, 1848, of a constitutional 
scheme drafted by the Government, and 
the issue of writs for the election of a 
Prussian Landtag which was to revase the 
law of suffrage. Some opposition was 
noticeable in the provinces, but was for the 
moment of a moderate nature. The 
interference of the Frankfort Parliament in 

the question of the Prussian constitution 
produced no effect whatever. The centres 
of the Right and Left had there united and 
taken the lead, then proceeding to pass 
resolutions which would not hinder the 
Prussian • Government in asserting its 
right to determine its own affairs. Public 
opinion in Germany had thus changed ; 
_ , there was a feeling in favour 

rmany « |- jij^j^ij^gr the demands that 
Kejection of • , , ? , . , , 

Radicalism ""^^Sht arise during the con- 
stitutional (fefinition of the 
national rights ; moreover, the majority 
of the nation had declined adherence to 
the tenets of radicalism. It seemed 
that these facts were producing a highly 
desirable change of direction .in the 
energies of the German National Assembl}^ ; 
the provisional central power was even 
able to pride itself upon a reserve of force, 
for the Prussian Government had placed 
its united forces, 326,000 men, at its dis- 
posal, as was announced by Schmerling, 
the imperial Minister, on October 23rd, 1848. 

None the less, an extraordinary 
degree of statesmanship and political 
capacity was required to cope with the 
obstacles which lay before the creation 
of a national federation organised as a 
state, with adequate power to deal with 
domestic and foreign policy. But not only 
was this supreme political insight required 
of the national representatives ; theirs, too, 
must be the task of securing the support 
of the Great Powers, without which the 
desired federation was unattainable. 

This condition did not apply for the 
moment in the case of Austria, whose 
decision was of the highest importance. 
Here an instance recurred of the law 
constantly exemplified in the lives both 
of individuals and of nations, 'that a 
recovery of power stimulates to aggression 
instead of leading to discretion. True 
wisdom would have concentrated the 
national aims upon a clearh^ recognisable 
and attainable object^namely, the trans- 
formation of the old dvnastic 
Suppressing g^. ^j ^^^ Hapsbufgs into 

R^ o3n"'"' ^ "'°^^™ ^^''^^- ^^^^' ^ 

cvo u ion change would of itself Imve 
determined the form of the federation with 
the new German state, which could well 
have been left to develop in its own way. 
Russian help for the suppression of the 
Hungarian revolt would have been un- 
necessary ; it would have been enthu- 
siastically given by the allied Prussian 
otate under Frederic William IV. The 



only tasks oi Austria-Hungary for the 
immediate future would have been the 
fostering of her civilisation, the improve- 
ment of domestic prosperity, and the 
extension of her influence in the Balkan 
peninsula. Even her Italian par^mountcy, 
had it been worth retaining, 
The Catholic could hardly have been wrested 
Dynasty fromher. No thinking member 

m Germany ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ Hapsburg 

could deny these facts at the pre.sent day. 
Possibly even certain representatives of 
that ecclesiastical power which has en- 
deavour^ for three centuries to make 
the Hapsburg dynasty the champion of 
its interests might be 
brought to admit that 
the efforts devoted to 
preserving the hereditary 
position of the Catholic 
dynasty in Germany led 
to a very injudicious 
expenditure of energy. 

But such a degree of 
political foresight was 
sadly to seek in the 
winter of 1 848-1 849. The 
onlv man who had almost 
reached that standpoint, 
the old Wessenberg, was 
deprived of his influence 
at the critical moment of 
decision. His place was 
taken by one whose 
morality was even lower 
than his capacity or pre- 
vious training, and whose 
task was nothing less than 
the direction of a newly 
developed state and the 
invention of some modus 
Vivendi between the out- 
raged and insulted 
dynasty and the agitators, devoid alike 
of sense and conscience, who had plied 
the nationalities of the Austrian Empire 
with evil counsel. Prince Windisch- 
Graetz was quite able to overpower 
street rioters or to crush the " legions " 
of Vienna ; but his vocation was not 
that of a general or a statesman. 

However, his word was all-powerful at 
the court in Olmiitz. On November 21st, 
1S48, Prince Felix Schwarzenberg became 
head of the Austrian Government. His 
political views were those of Windisch- 
Graetz, whose intellectual superior he 
was, though his decisions were in conse- 
quence the more hasty and ill-considered. 


King of Prussia, he declined the imperial crown 
offered him by the Frankfort Diet in 1849. His 
reign was, on the whole, a disappointing one. 

His policy upon German questions was 
modelled on that of Metternich. The 
only mode of action which commended 
itself to the Emperor Francis Joseph I., 
now eighteen years of age, was one 
promising a position of dignity, combining 
all the " splendour " of the throne of 
Charles the Great with the inherent force 
of a modern Great Power. A prince of 
chivalrous disposition, who had witnessed 
the heroic deeds of his army under 
Radetzky, with the courage to defend 
his fortunes and those of his state at the 
point of the sword, would never have 
voluntarily yielded his rights, his honour- 
able position, and the 
family traditions of cen- 
turies, even if the defence 
of these had not been 
represented by his ad- 
visers as a ruler's inevit- 
able task and as absolutely 
incumbent upon him. 

The Frankfort Parlia- 
ment had already dis- 
cussed the " fundamental 
rights." It had deter- 
mined by a large majority 
that personal union was 
the only possible form of 
alliance between any part 
of Germany and foreign 
countries ; it had decided 
upon the use of the two- 
chamber system in the 
Reichstag; and had se- 
cured representation in 
the "Chamber of the 
States" to the govern- 
ments even of the smallest 
states ; it had made 
provision tor the customs 
union until May i8th, 
Among the leaders of the 
Centre the opinion then gained ground that 
union with Austria would be mipossible in 
as close a sense as it was possible with the 
other German states, and that the only 
means of assuring the strength and unity 
of the pure German states was 
to confer the dignity of emperor 
upon the King of Prussia. 
The promulgation of this idea 
resulted in a new cleavage of parties. 
The majority of the moderate Liberal 
Austrians seceded from their associates 
and joined the Radicals, Ultramontanes, 
and Particularists, with the object of 
preventing the introduction of Prussia as 

1849, 3-t latest. 

Among the 


an empire into the imperial constitution. 
Schmerling resigned the presidency of 
the imperial Ministry. The Imperial Ad- 
ministrator was forced to replace him by 
Heinrich von Gagern, the first president 
of the Parliament. His programme was 
announced on December i6th, and proposed 
the foundation of a close federal alliance 
of the German states under Prussian 
leadership, while a looser federal connection 
was to exist with Austria, as arranged by 
the settlement of the Vienna Congress. 

After three days' discussion, on January 
iith-i4th, 1849, this programme was 
accepted by 261 members of the Ger- 
man National Assembly as against 224. 
Sixty Austrian deputies entered a protest 
against this resolution, denying the right 
of the Parliament to exchide the German 
Austrians from the German Federal State. 
The Austrian Government was greatly 
disturbed at the promulgation of the 
Gagern programme, and objected to the 
legislative powers of the Frankfort 
Assembly in general terms on February 7th, 
declaring her readiness to co-operate in a 
union of the German states, and protest- 

^ . . -.Mr.... ing against the " remodel- 
Fredcric William ■,■ >? r ■ ,■ -,- 

_ Img of existmg condi- 

mperor tions. Thus, she adopted 

01 the Germans .,. ^t 

a position correspondmg 
to that of the federation of 1815. The 
decision now remained with the king, 
Frederic William IV. ; he accepted the 
imperial constitution of March 28th, 1849, 
and was forthwith elected Emperor of the 
Germans by 290 of the 538 deputies present. 

The constitution in document form 
was .signed by only 366 deputies, as 
the majority of the Austrians and the 
ultramontanes declined to acknowledge 
the supremacy of a Protestant Prussia. 
The 290 electors who had voted for the 
king constituted, however, a respectable 
majority. Still, it was as representatives 
of the nation that they offered him the 
impel ial Crown, and the}' made their offer 
conditional upon his recognition of the 
imperial constitution which had been 
resolved upon in Frankfort. It was 
therein provided that in all questions of 
legislation the decision should rest with 
the popular House in the Reichstag. 

The imperial veto was no longer uncon- 
ditional, but could only defer discussion 
over three sittings. This the King of Prussia 
was unable to accept, if only for the reason 
that he was already involved in a warm 
discussion with Austria, Bavaria, and 

Wiirtemberg upon the form of a German 
federal constitution which was to be laid 
before the Parliament by the princes. 

The despatch of a parliamentary depu- 
ta^on to Berlin was premature, in view of 
the impossibility of that unconditional 
acceptance of the imperial title desired and 
expected by Dahlmann and the professor 
Where the ^^ Konigsberg, Martin Eduard 
j^.^ Simson, at that time president 

Blundered 2? the National Assembly. 
i he only answer that Frederic 
William could give on April 3rd, 1849, was 
a reply postponing his decision. •This the 
delegation construed as a refusal, as it 
indicated hesitation on the king's part to 
recognise the Fxankfort constitution in its 
entirety. The king erred in believing that 
an arrangement with Austria still lay 
within the bounds of possibility ; he failed 
to see that Schwarzenberg only desired to 
restore the old Federal Assembly, while 
securing greater power in it to Austria than 
she had had under Metternich. 

The royal statesman considered Hungary 
as already subjugated, and conceived as 
in existence a united state to be formed of 
the Austrian and Hungarian territories, 
together with Galicia and Dalmatia; he 
desired to secure the entrance of this state 
within the federation, which he intended 
to be not German but a Central European 
federation under Austrian leadership. 

On the return of the parliamentary 
deputation to Frankfort with the refusal 
of the King of Prussia, the work of con- 
stitution-building was brought to a stand- 
still. The most important resolutions, 
those touching the head of the empire, had 
proved impracticable. The more far- 
sighted members of the Parliament recog- 
nised this fact, and also saw that to re- 
model the constitution would be to play 
into the hands of the Republicans. How- 
ever, their eyes were blinded to the fact 
that twenty-four petty states of different 
sizes had accepted the constitution, and 
. they ventured to hope for an 

The National i^iprovement in the situation. 
Assembly Led ^^^^ Liberals were uncertain 
by Democrats ^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ the power 

which could be assigned to the nation, in 
contradistinction to the governments, with- 
out endangering the social fabric and the 
existence of civic society. To this lack of 
definite views is chiefly to be ascribed the 
fact that the German National Assembly 
allowed the Democrats to lead it into 
revolutionary tendencies, until it ended 



its existence in pitiable disruption. The 
Liberals, moreover, cannot be acquitted 
from the charge of playing the dangerous 
game of inciting national revolt with the 
object of carrying through the oron- 
stitution which they had devised and 
drafted — a constitution, too, which meant 
a breach with the continuity of German 
historical development. They 
fomented popular excitement 

Royal Family 
From Dresden 

and brought about armed 
risings of the illiterate mobs of 
Saxony, the Palatinate, and Baden. The 
royal fafhily were expelled from Dresden 
by a revolt on May 3rd, and Prussian 
troops were obliged to reconquer the 
capital at the cost of severe fighting on 
May 7th and 8th. It was necessary to 
send two Prussian corps to reinforce the 
imperial army drawn from Hesse, Mecklen- 
burg, Nassau, and Wiirtemberg, for the 
overthrow of the republican troops which 
had concentrated at Rastadt. 

Heinrich von Gagern and his friends 
regarded the advance of the Prussians as a 
breach of the peace in the empire. The 
Gagern Ministry resigned, as the Archduke 
John could not be persuaded to oppose 
the Prussians. The Imperial Administra- 
tor had already hinted at his retirement 
after the imperial election : but the 
Austrian Government had insisted upon 
his retention of his office, lest the King of 
Prussia should step into liis place. He 
formed a conservative Ministry under the 
presidency of the Prussian councillor of 
justice, Gravell, which was received with 
scorn and derision by the Radicals, who 
were now the dominant j^arty in the 
Parliament. More than a hundred deputies 
of the centres then withdrew with Gagern, 
Dahlmann, Welcker, Simson, and Mathy 
from May 12th to 26th, 184c). 

The Austrian Government had recalled 
the Austrian deputies on Aijril 4th from the 
National Assembly, an example followed 
by Prussia on the 14th. On May 30th, 71 
of 135 voters who took part 
in the discussion supported 
Karl Vogt's proposal to 
transfer the Parliament from 
Frankfort to Stuttgart, where a victory for 
Suabian republicanism was expected. In the 
end 105 representatives of German stupidity 
and political ignorance, including, unfortu- 
nately, Lewis Uhland, gave the world the 
ridiculous spectacle of the opening of the 
so-called Rump Parliament at Stuttgart on 
June 6th, 1849, which reached the crown- 



" Stupidity and 

Ignorance " 

ing folly in the election of five " imperial 
regents." The arrogance of this company, 
which even presumed to direct the move- 
ments of the Wiirtemberg troops, proved 
inconvenient to the government, which ac- 
cordingly closed the meeting hall. The first 
German Parliament then expired after a 
few gatherings in the Hotel Marquardt. 

The Imperial Government, the Admini- 
strator and his Ministry, retained their 
offices until December, 1849, notwith- 
standing repeated demands for their 
resignation. A committee of four members, 
appointed as a provisional central power 
by Austria and Prussia, then took over all 
business, documentary and financial. As 
an epilogue to the Frankfort Parliament, 
mention may be made of the gathering of 
160 former deputies of the first German 
Reichstag, which had belonged to the 
" imperial party," The meeting was held 
in Gotha on June 26th. Heinrich von 
Gagern designated the meeting as a private 
conference ; however, he secured the 
assent of those present to a programme 
drawn up by himself which asserted the 
desirability of a narrower, " little Ger- 
„ . . man," federation under the 

Proclamation , , , • r t> t 

,,^ _ . headship of Prussia, or of 
of the Prussian j^i ^ i 

-, ^ another central power m 

Oovernment ■ . ■ .li t. 

association with Prussia. 

Upon the recall of the Prussian deputies 
from the Frankfort Parliament the Prus- 
sian Government issued a proclamation to 
the German people on May 5th, 1849, 
declaring itself henceforward responsible 
for the work of securing the unity which 
was justly demanded for the vigorous 
representation of German interests abroad, 
and for common legislation in constitu- 
tional form ; that is, with tl^e co-operation 
of a national house of representatives. 

In the conferences of the ambassadors of 
the German states, which were opened at 
Berlin on May 17th, the Prussian pro- 
gramme was explained to be the formation 
of a close federation exclusive of Austria, 
and the creation of a wider federation 
which should include the Hapsburg state. 
Thus in theory had been discovered the 
form which the transformation of Germany 
should take. On her side Prussia did not 
entirely appreciate the fact that this 
programme could not be realised by means 
of ministerial promises alone, and that the 
whole power of the Prussian state would be 
required to secure its acceptance. The 
nation, or rather the men to whom the 
nation had entrusted its future, also failed 


to perceive that this form was the only 
kind of unity practically attainable, and 
that to it must be sacrificed those 
" guarantees of freedom " which liberal 
doctrinaires declared indispensable. 

It now became a question of deciding 
between a radical democrac}^ and a 
moderate constitutional monarchy, and 
German Liberalism vyas ]:)recluded from 
coming to any honourable conclusion. 
Regardless of consequences, it exchanged 
amorous glances with the opposition in 
non-Prussian countries ; it considered 
agreement with the Government as treason 
to the cause of freedom, and saw reaction 
where nothing of the kind was to be found. 
It refused to give public support to aggres- 
sive Republicanism, fearing lest the people, 
when in arms, should prove a menace to 
private property, and lose that respect 
for* the growing wealth of individual 
enterprise which ought to limit their 
aspirations ; at the same time, it declined 
to abate its pride, and continued to press 
wholly immoderate demands upon the 
authorities, to whom alone it owed the 
maintenance of the existing social order. 

_. _, . The Baden revolt had been 

I he Prussians j i, j.i. -r> 

J. .. . suppressed by the Prussian 

_. ,. troops under the command of 

as Deliverers y^ . '■ tttit r. i 

Prmce William, afterwards 

emperor, who invaded the land which the 
Radicals had thrown into confusion, dis- 
persed the Republican army led by Miero- 
slawski and Hecker in a series of engage- 
ments, and reduced, on July 23rd. 1849, 
the fortress of Rastadt, which had fallen 
into the hands of the Republicans. The 
Liberals at first hailed the Prussians as 
deliverers ; the latter, however, proceeded 
b\/ court-martial against the leaders, whose 
crimes had brought misery upon thousands 
and had reduced a flourishing province to 
desolation. Seventeen death sentences 
were passed, and prosecutions were in- 
stituted against the mutinous officers and 
soldiers of Baden. 

The "free-thinking" party, which had 
recovered from its fear of the " Reds," could 
then find no more pressing occupation than 
to rouse public feeling throughout South 
Germany against Prussia and "militarism," 
and to level unjustifiable reproaches against 
the prince in command, whose clever general- 
ship merited the gratitude not only of 
Baden but of every German patriot. Even 
then a solution of the German problem 
might have been possible had the Demo- 
crats in South Germany laid aside their 

fear of Prussian " predominance," and 
considered their secret struggle against 
an energetic administration as less im- 
portant than the establishment of a 
federal state, commanding the respect of 
other nations. But the success of the 
Prussian j^rogramme could have been 
secured only by the joint action of the 
„ , whole nation. Unanimity of 

. . r IT • this kind was a very remote 
Idea of Union ., .,., -r^ , -^ ^ ,, 

Abandoned Possibility. Fearful of the 
Prussian reaction. the 
nation abandoned the idea of German unity, 
to be driven into closer relation*^ with the 
sovereign powers of the smaller and the 
petty states, and ultimately to fall under 
the heavier burden of a provincial reaction. 

Austria had recalled her ambassador, 
Anton, Count of Prokesch-Osten, from the 
Berlin Conference, declining all negotiation 
for the reconstitution of German interests 
upon the basis of the Prussian proposals ; 
but she could not have despatched an 
army against Prussia in the summer of 
1849. Even with the aid of her ally 
Bavaria, she was unable to cope with the 
300.000 troops which Prussia alone could 
place in the field at that time ; in Hun- 
gary, she had been obliged to call in the 
help of Russia. United action by Ger- 
many would probably have met with no 
opposition whatever. But Germany was 
not united, the people as little as the 
princes ; consequently when Prussia, after 
the ignominious failure of the Parliament 
and its high promise, intervened to secure 
at least some definite result from the 
national movement, her well-meaning 
proposals met with a rebuff as humiliating 
as it was undeserved. 

The result of the Berlin Conferences 
was the " alliance of the three kings " of 
Prussia, Hanover, and Saxon}' on May 26th, 
1849. Bavaria and Wiirtemberg declined 
to join the alliance on account of the claims 
lO leadership advanced by Prussia ; but 
the majority of the other German states 
gave in their adherence in the 

Results of 
the Berlin 

course of the summer, 
federal council of administra- 

tion met on June i8th, and 
made arrangements for the convocation of 
a Reichstag, to which was to be submitted 
the federal constitution when the agree- 
ment of the Cabinets thereon had been 
secured. Hanover and Saxony then raised 
objections and recalled their representa- 
tives on the administrative council on 
October 20th. However, Prussia was able 



to fix the meeting of the Reichstag for 
March 20th, 1850, at Erfurt. Austria 
now advanced claims in support of the 
old federal constitution, and suddenly 
demanded that it should continue , in 
full force. This action was supported 
by Bavaria, which advocated the forma- 
tion of a federation of the smaller states, 
which was to prepare another 


Federation ,, 
of States 

constitution as a rival to the 

union" for which Prussia was 
working. The Saxon Minister, 
Beust, afterwards of mournful fame in 
German}^ and Austria, who fought against 
the Saxon particularism, which almost 
surpassed that prevalent in Bavaria, 
and was guided by personal animosity to 
Prussia, became at that moment the most 
zealous supporter of the statesmanlike 
plans of his former colleague, Pfordten, 
who had been appointed Bavarian Minister 
of Foreign Affairs in April, 1849. 

Hanover was speedily won over, as Aus- 
tria proposed to increase her territory with 
Oldenburg, in order to create a second North 
German power as a counterpoise to Prussia, 
while Wiirtemberg declared her adherence 
to the " alliance of the four kings " with 
startling precipitancy. The chief attrac- 
tion was the possibility of sharing on 
equal terms in a directory of seven mem- 
bers with Austria, Prussia, and the two 
Hesses, which were to have a vote in 
common. The directory was not to exercise 
the functions of a central power, but was 
to have merely powers of "superintend- 
ence," even in questions of taxation and 
commerce. The claims of the Chambers were 
to be met by the creation of a " Reichstag," 
to which they were to send deputies. 

Upon the secession of the kingdoms 
from Prussia, disinclination to the work 
of unification was also manifested by the 
electorate of Hesse, where the elector 
had again found a Minister to his liking 
in the person of Daniel von Hassen- 
pflvig. It would, however, have been quite 
• possible to make Prussia the 

®. "*^ ^ centre of a considerable power 

, „ by the coniunction of all the re- 

for Peace - . . r i i i i 

mammg federal provmces had 

the Erfurt Parliament been entrusted with 
the task of rapidly concluding the work of 
unification. In the meantime Frederic 
William, under the influence of friends 
who favoured feudalism, Ernst Liidwig 
of Gerlach and Professor Stahl, had aban- 
doned his design of forming a restricted 
federation, and was inspired with the 


invincible conviction that it was his duty 
as a Christian king to preserve peace with 
Austria at any price ; for Austria, after, 
her victorious struggle with the revolution, 
had become the prop and stay of all 
states where unlimited monarchy protected 
by the divine right of kings held sway. 

To guard this institution against Liberal 
onslaughts remained the ideal of his life, 
Prussian theories of politics and the 
paroxysms of German patriotism ' not- 
withstanding. He therefore rejected the 
valuable help now readily offered to him 
in Erfurt by the old imperial party of 
Frankfort, and clung to the utterly vain 
and unsupported hope that he could carry 
out the wider form of federation with 
Austria in some manner compatible with 
German interests. His hopes were forth- 
with shattered by Schwarzenberg's convo- 
cation of a congress of the German fe#eral 
states at Frankfort, and Prussia's position 
became daily more u.nfavourable, although 
a meeting of the princes desirous of union 
was held in Berlin in May, 1850, and 
accepted the temporary continuance until 
July 15th, 1850, of the restricted federa- 
^ tion under Prussian leadership. 

,°r *J°*'^ The Tsar Nicholas I. was 

of the 1 sar s j.i j tj.ii 

j^ .. urgently demandmg the conclu- 
' ^ sion of the Schleswig-Holstein 
complication, which he considered as due 
to nothing but the intrigues of malevolent 
revolutionaries in Copenhagen and the 
duchies. In a meeting with Prince William 
of Prussia, which took place at Warsaw 
towards the end of May, 1850, the Tsar 
clearly stated that, in the event of the 
German question resulting in war between 
Prussia and Austria, his neutrality would 
be conditional upon the restoration of 
Danish supremacy over the rebels in 

Henceforward Russia stands between 
Austria and Prussia as arbitrator. Her 
intervention was not as unprejudiced as 
Berlin would have been glad to suppose ; 
she was beforehand determined to support 
Austria, to protect the old federal con- 
stitution, the Danish supremacy over 
Schleswig-Holstein, and the Elector of 
Hesse, Frederic William I., who had at 
that moment decided on a scandalous 
breach of faith with his people. This un- 
happy prince had already inflicted serious 
damage upon his country and its admir- 
able population ; he now proceeded to 
commit a crime against Germany by 
stirring up a fratricidal war, which was 


fed by a spirit of pettifogging selfishness 
and despicable jealousy. A Liberal reaction 
•had begun, and the spirit of national self- 
assertion was fading ; no sooner had the 
elector perceived these facts than he 
proceeded to utilise them for the achieve- 
ment of his desires. He dismissed the 
constitutional Ministry, restored Has- 
senpfiug to favour on February 22nd, 1850, 
and permitted him to raise taxes un- 
authorised by the Chamber for the space 
of six months. The Chamber raised objec- 
tions to this proceeding, and thereby gave 

of turning their arms upon their fellow- 
citizens, who were entirely within their 
rights. The long-desired opportunity of 
calling in foreign help was thus provided ; 
but the appeal was not made to the board 
of arbitration of the union, to which the 
electorate of Hesse properly belonged, 
but to the Federal Council, which Austria 
had reopened in Frankfort on October 
15th, 1850. 

With the utmost readiness Count 
Schwarzenberg accepted the unexpected 
support of Hassenpfiug, whose theories 

In the search after federation, which occupied the attention of the German states, the differences between Austria 
and Prussia created a serious difficulty. The question of federal reform was discussed in free conferences at Dresden, 
one of these assemblies, with the delegates from the various states concerned.being represented in the above picture. 

Hassenpfiug a handle which enabled him 
to derange the whole constitution of the 
electorate of Hesse. On September 7th the 
country was declared subject to martial law. 
For this step there was not the smallest 
excuse ; peace everywhere prevailed. 

The officials who had taken the oaths 
of obedience to the constitution declined 
to act in accordance with -the declara- 
tion, and their refusal was construed 
as rebellion. On October 9th the 
officers of the Hessian army resigned, 
almos*: to a man, to avoid the necessity 

coincided with his own. The rump of the 
Federal Parliament, which was entirely 
under his influence, was summoned not 
only wTthout the consent of Prussia but 
without any intimation to the Prusians 
Cabinet. This body at once determined to 
employ the federal power for the restora- 
tion of the elector to Hesse, though he had 
left Cassel of his own will and under no 
compulsion, fleeing to Wilhelmsbad with 
his Alinisters at the beginning of Septem- 
ber. Schwarzenberg was well aware that 
his action would place the King of Prussia 



in a most embarrassing situation. Federa- 
tion and union were now in mutual 
opposition. On the one side was Austria, 
with the kingdoms and the two Hesses ; 
on the other was Piiissia, with the united 
petty states, which were little better 
than worthless for military purposes. 
Austria had no need to seek occasion 
. , to revenge herself for the re- 
us ria g^i^ ^1 ^j^^ imperial election, 
Cireat Power - ■ 

in Germany 

which was ascribed to Prussian 

machinations ; her oppor- 
tunity was at hand in the appeal of a 
most valuable member of the federation, 
the worthy Elector of Hesse, to his brother 
monarchs for protection against demo- 
cratic presumption, against the insanities 
of constitutionalism, against a forsworn 
and mutinous army. Should Prussia now 
oppose the enforcement of the federal 
will in Hesse, she would be making common 
cause with rebels. 

The Tsar would be forced to oppose the 
democratic tendencies of his degenerate 
brother-in-law, and to take the field with 
the Conservative German states, and with 
Austria, who was crowding on full sail for 
• the haven of absolutism. To have created 
this situation, and to have drawn the 
fullest advantage from it, was the master- 
stroke of Prince Felix Schwarzenberg's 
policy. Austria thereby reached the 
zenith of her power in Germany. 

The fate of Frederic William IV. now 
becomes tragical. The heavy punishment 
meted out to the overweening self-confi- 
dence of this ruler, the fearful disillusion- 
ment which he was forced to experience 
from one whom he had treated with full 
confidence and respect, cannot but evoke 
the sympathy of every spectator. He had 
himself declined that imperial crown 
which Austria so bitterly grudged him. 
He had rejected the overtures of the 
imperial party from dislike to their 
democratic theories. He had begun the 
work of overthrowing the constitutional 

^^ _ , principles of the constitution 
The Swora <• , i xr i i 

„, , ot the union. He had sur- 

Th ^ T^^ rendered Schleswig-Holstein 
because his conscience would 
not allow him to support national against 
monarchical rights, and because he feared 
to expose Prussia to the anger of his 
brother-in-law. He had opposed the ex- 
clusion of Austria from the wider federation 
of the German states. He had always 
been prepared to act in conjunction with 
Austria in the solution of questions 

affecting Germany at large, while claiming 
for Prussia a right which was provided 
in the federal constitution — the right of, 
forming a close federation, the right which, 
far from diminishing, would strengthen 
the power of the whole organism. And 
now the sword was placed at his throat, 
equality of rights was denied to him, and 
he was requested to submit to the action of 
Austria as paramount in Germany, to 
submit to a federal executive, which had 
removed an imperial administrator, though 
he was an Austrian duke, which could only 
be reconstituted with the assent of every 
German government, and not by eleven 
votes out of seventeen ! 

For two months the king strove hard, 
amid the fiercest excitement, to maintain 
his position. At the beginning of October, 
1850, he sent assurances to Vienna of his 
readiness " to settle all points of diffefcnce 
with the Emperor of Austria from the 
standpoint of an old friend." He quietly 
swallowed the arrogant threats of Bavaria, 
and was not to be provoked by the warlike 
speeches delivered at Bregenz on the 
occasion of the meeting of the Emperor 
Francis Joseph with the kings of South 
Germany, on October nth. He 
continued to rely upon the insight 
„ . of the Tsar, with whose ideas 

he was m lull agreement, and 
sent Count Brandenburg to Warsaw to 
assure him of his pacific intentions, and to 
gain a promise that he would not allov/ 
the action of the federation in Hesse and 
Holstein to pass unnoticed. Prince 
Schwarzenberg also appeared in Warsaw, 
and it seemed that there might be some 
possibility of an understanding between 
Austria and Prussia upon the German 
question. Schwarzenberg admitted that 
the Federal Council might be replaced by 
free conferences of the German Powers, as 
in i8iq ; he did not, however, explain 
whether these conferences were to be 
summoned for the purpose of appointing 
the new central power, or whether the 
Federal Council was to be convoked for 
that object. 

He insisted unconditionally upon the 
execution of the federal decision in 
Hesse, which implied the occupation of 
the whole electorate b}' German and 
Bavarian troops. This Prussia could not 
allow, for military reasons. The ruler of 
Prussia was therefore forced to occupy 
the main roads to the Rhine province, and 
had already sent forward several thousand 


men under Count Charles from the Groben 
to the neighbourhood of Fulda for this 
puri)ose. The advance of the Bavarians 
in this direction would inevitably result 
in a collision with the Prussian troops, 
unless these latter were first withdrawn. 
Count Brandenburg returned to Berlin 
resolved to prevent a war which offered no 
prospect of success in view of the Tsar's 
attitude. Radowitz, who had been Min- 
ister of Foreign Affairs since September 
27th, 1850, called for the mobihsation of 
the army, and was inclined to accept the 
challenge to combat ; he considered the 
Austrian preparations comparatively in- 
nocuous, and was convinced that Russia 
would be unable to concentrate any con- 
siderable body of troops on the Prussian 
frontier before the summer. 

O^ November 2nd, 1850, the king 
also declared for the mobilisation, though 
with the intention of continuing nego- 
tiations with Austria, if possible ; he 
was ready, however, to adopt Branden- 
burg's view of the situation, if a majoiity 
in the ministerial council could be found 
to support this policy. Brandenburg 
. , succumbed to a sudden attack 
of bram fever on November 

. ^ 5th, not, as was long supposed, 

m Germany , ' ,. , ,,° ^.^ ,. 

to vexation at the rejection 

of his policy of resistance ; his work was 
taken gp and completed by Manteuffel, 
after Radowitz had left the Ministr3^ 

After the first shots had been exchanged 
between the Prussian and Bavarian troops 
at Bronzell, to the south of Fulda, on 
November 8th. he entirely abandoned the 
constitution of the union, allowed the 
Bavarians to advance upon the condition 
that Austria permitted the simultaneous 
occupation of the high roads by Prussian 
troops, and started with an autograph 
tetter from the king and Queen Elizabeth 
to meet the Emperor Francis Joseph and 
his mother, the Archduchess Sophie, 
sister of the Queen of Prussia, in order 
to discuss conditions of peace with 
the Austrian Prime ^Minister. Prince 
Schwarzenberg was anxious to proceed 
to extremities ; but the young emperor 
had no intention of beginning a war 
with his relatives, and obliged Schwarz- 
enberg to yield. At the emperor's 
command he '. signed the stipulation of 
Olmiitz on November 2qth, 1850, under 
which Prussia fully satisfied the Austrian 
demands, receiving one sole concession 
in return — that the question of federal 

reform should be discussed in free con- 
ferences at Dresden. Thus Prussia's 
German policy had ended in total failure. 
She was forced to abandon all hope of 
realising the Gagern ])rogramme by 
forming a narrower federation under her 
own leadership, exclusive of popular re- 
presentation, direct or indirect. Prussia 

T,. « . lost greatly in prestige ; the 

The Reproach ,, " • - 1,1, 

, „ . . enthusiasm aroused through- 
01 b rederic - .1 , , 

William provinces by the 

prospect of war gave place 
to bitter condemnation of the vacillation 
imputed to the king after the " capitula- 
tion of Olmiitz." Even his brother. Prince 
WilUam, burst into righteous indignation 
during the Cabinet Council of December 
2nd, 1850, at the stain on the white shield 
of Prussian honour. 

Until his death, Frederic William IV. was 
reproached with humiliating Prussia, and 
reducing her to a position among the German 
states which was wholly unworthy of her. 
Yet it is possible that the resolution w^hich 
gave Austria a temporary victory was the 
most unselfish offering which the king could 
then have made to the German nation. 
He resisted the temptation of founding a 
North German federation with the help 
and alliance of France, which was offered 
by Persigny, the confidential agent of 
Louis Napoleon. Fifty thousand French 
troops had been concentrated at Strassburg 
for the realisation of this project. They 
would have invaded South Germany and 
devastated Swabia and Bavaria in the 
cause of Prussia. But it was not by such 
methods that German unity was to be 
attained, or a German Empire to be 
founded. Renunciation for the moment 
was a guarantee of success hereafter. 

In his " Reflections and Recollections " 
Prince Bismarck asserts that Stockhausen, 
the Minister of War. considered the Prus- 
sian forces in November, 1850. inadequate 
to check the advance upon Berlin of the 
Austrian army concentrated in Bohemia. 
He had leceived this informa- 
Problem ^ ^^^^ ^^_^^ Stockhausen, and 
of Germany s ^^^ defended the king's atti- 
*" tude in the Chamber. He also 

thinks he has established the fact that 
Prince William, afterwards his king and 
emperor, was convinced of the incapacity 
of Prussia to deal a decisive blow at that 
period. He made no mention of his con- 
viction that such a blow must one day 
be delivered ; but this assurance seems 
to have grown upon him from that date. 












HTHE \ictory of Schwarzenberg in Olmiitz 
•*• gave a predominating influence -^n 
Central Europe to the spirit of the Tsar 
Nicholas I., the narrowness and bigotry of 
which is not to be paralleled in anj? of those 
periods of stagnation which have inter- 
rupted the social development of Europe. 
Rarely has a greater want of common sense 

„. , been shown in the government 

Hindrances r .wj. ■ -r i j.- 

_ , oi any \\ estern civilised nation 

urope than was displayed during the 
Development , •', , o 

years subsequent to 1050 — a 

period which has attained in this respect 
a well-deserved notoriety. It is true that 
the preceding movement had found the 
^ nations immature, and therefore incapable 
of solving the problems with which they 
were confronted. The spirit was willing, 
but the flesh was unprepared. 

The miserable delusion that construc- 
tion is a process as easy and rapid as 
destruction ; that a few months can accom- 
plish what centuries have failed to perfect ; 
that an honest attempt to improve political 
institutions must of necessity effect the 
desired improvement ; the severance of 
the theoretical from the practical, which 
was the iniin of every politician — these 
were the obstacles which prevented the 
national leaders from making timely use 
of that tremendous power which was 
placed in their hands in the month of 
March. 1848. Precious time was squan- 
dered in the harangues of rival orators, 
in the formation of parties and chibs, in 
over-ambitious programmes and compla- 

Ti. XM- • c'^nt self -laudation thereon, in 
Ihe Mission j- 1 c ^ 

- displays of arrogance and 

, .. „ ,. malevolent onslaughts. 

L>iberalism t i i- r i , • 

Li beralism was forced to resign 
its claims ; it was unable to effect a com- 
plete and unwavering severance from 
radicalism ; it was unable to appreciate the 
fact that its mission was not to govern, but 
to secure recognition from the Government. 

The peoples were unable to gain legal 
confirmation of their rights, because they 
bad no clear ideas upon the extent of 


those rights, and had not been taught that 
self-restraint which was the only road to 
success. Thus far all is sufficiently intelli- 
gible, and, upon a retrospect, one is almost 
inclined to think of stagnation as the result 
of a conflict of counterbalancing forces. 

But one phenomenon there is, which 
becomes the more astonishing in ])ro- 
portion as it is elucidated by that ^re 
light of impartial criticism which the 
non-contemporar}^ historian can throw 
upon it — it is the fact that mental confu- 
sion was followed by a cessation of mental 
energy, that imperative vigour and interest 
were succeeded by blatant stupidity, that 
the excesses committed by nations in their 
struggle for the right of self-determina- 
tion were expiated by yet more brutal ex- 
hibitions of the misuse of power, the blame 
of which rests upon the governments, who 
were the nominal guardians of right and 
morality in their higher forms. I14 truth 
a very moderate degree of wis- 
dom in a few leading states- 
men would have drawn the 
proper conclusions from the 
facts of the case, and have discovered the 
formulae expressing the relation between 
executive power and national strength. 

But the thinkers who would have 
been satisfied with moderate claims were 
not to be found ; it seemed as if the 
very intensity of political action had > 
exhausted the capacity for government, as 
if the conquerors had forgotten that they 
too had been struggling to preserve the 
state and to secure its internal consolida- 
tion and reconstitution, that the revolution 
had been caused simply by the fact that 
the corrupt and degenerate state was 
unable to perform what its subjects had 
the right to demand. 

The nations were so utterly depressed by 
the sad experiences which they had brought 
upon themselves as to show themselves 
immediately sensible to the smallest ad- 
vances of kindness and confidence. Irritated 
by a surfeit of democratic theory, the 

The Nations 
Suffering from 


Count Leo Thun and A. von Bach, whose portraits are given above, 
were among the men of note who, after the storms of the revolutionary 
years, supported the enlightened policy of Joseph II. As Minister 
of Education, the former introduced compulsory education, put the 
national schools under state control, and assisted the universities. 

political organism had lost its tone. A 
moderate allowance of riglits and freedom 
would have acted as a stimulant, but the 
constitution had been too far lowered for 
hunger to act as a cure. Education and 
amelioration, not punishment, were now 
the mission of 
the governments 
which had re- 
covered their 
unlimited power ; 
but they were 
themselves both 
uninformed and 
The punishment 
which they meted 
out was inflicted 
not from a sense 
of duty, but in 
revenge for the 
blows which 
they had been 
compelled to en- 
dure in the course 
of the revolution 
Most fatal to 
Austria was the lack of creative power, of 
experienced statesmen with education and 
serious moral purpose. In this country 
an enlightened government could have 
attained its every desire. Opportunity 
was provided for effecting a fundamental 
change in the constitution ; 
all opposition had been broken 
down, and the stiong vitality 
of the state had been brilhantly 
demonstrated in one of the 
hardest struggles for existence 
in which the country had been 
engaged for three centuries. 
There was a new ruler, strong 
bold, and well informed, full 
of noble ambition and tender 
sentiment, too young to be 
hidebound by preconceived 
opinion and yet old enough 
to feel enthusiasm for his 

lofty mission; such a man george v. of hanover ^^ate should have 
would have been the strongest fhron^''o?^Halover'i„'^8Tl, the strength and protection 
conceivable guarantee of sue- blind King George v. engaged m against future periods of storm. 

,,P . ^ . , a long struggle with his people " , ,i i i iU„ 

cess to a Mmistry of wisdom in defence of absolutism, and Evcu at the present da\ tne 
and experience capal^le of died an exile in Paris in 1878. veil has not been wholly parted 
leading him in the path of steady progress which then shrouded the change of poUtical 

Government had reserved to itself full scope 
for exercising an independent influence 
upon the development of the state. In 
this arrangement the kingdom of Hungary 
had been included after its subordinate 
provinces had severed their connection 

with the Crown 
of Stephen, 
obtaining special 
provincial rights 
of their own. 
The best ad- 
officials in the 
empire, Von 
Bach, Count 
Thun. and Bruck, 
were at the dis- 
position of the 
Prime Minister 
for the work of 
revivifying the 
economic and in- 
tellectual life of 
the monarchy. 
No objection 
would have been raised to a plan for divid- 
ing the non-Hungarian districts into bodies 
analogous to the English count\^, and thus 
lajang the impregnable foundations of a cen- 
tralised government which would develop 
as the education of the smaller national 
entities advanced. The fate 
of Austria was delivered into 
the hands of the emperor's 
advisers ; but no personality of 
Radetzky's stamp was to be 
found among them. The 
leading figure was a haughty 
nobleman, whose object and 
pleasure were to sow discord 
between Austria and the 
Prussian king and people, 
Austria's most faithful allies 
since 1815. It was in Frank- 
fort, and not in Vienna or 
Budapest, that the Hapsburg 

and of respect for the national rights. 
The clumsy and disjointed Reichstag of 
Kremsier was dissolved on March 7th, and 
on March 4th, 1849, a cons1 itution had been 
voluntarily promulgated, in which the 

theory in the leading circles at the Vienna 
court' Certain, however, it is that this 
change was not the work of men anxious 
for progress, but was due to the machina- 
tions of political parasites who plunged one 



of the best-intentioned of rulers into a 
series of entanglements which a life of 
sorrow and ciuel disappointments was 
unable to unravel. The precious months 
of 1850. when the nation would thankfully 
have welcomed any cessation of the pre- 
valent disturbance and terrorism, or any 
sign of confidence in its capacities, were 
allowed to pass by without an 
TA f^* effort. In the following year 

„ ,. the national enemies gained 

Reaction ,, 1 i •. 

the upper hand ; it was re- 
solved to break with constitutionalism, 
and to reject the claims of the citizens to 
a share in the legislature and the admini- 
stration. In September, 1851; the Govern- 
ments of Prussia and, Sardinia were 
ordered to annul the existing constitutions. 

This was a step which surpassed even 
Metternich's zeal for absolutism. Schmer- 
ling and Bruck resigned their posts in the 
Ministry on January 5th and May 23rd, 
185 1, feeling their inability to make head 
against the reactionary movement. On 
August 20th, 1851, the imperial council 
for which provision had been made in the 
constitution of March 4th, 1849, was 
deprived of its faculty of national repre- 
sentation. As the council had not yet 
been called into existence, the only inter- 
pretation to be laid upon this step was 
that the Ministry desired to re-examine the 
desirability of ratifying the constitution. 

On December 31st, 1851, the consti- 
tution was annulled, and the personal 
security of the citizens thereby endan- 
gered, known as they were to be in favour 
of constitutional measures. The police 
and a body of gendarmes, who were ac- 
corded an unprecedented degree of licence, 
undertook the struggle, not against exag- 
gerated and impracticable demands, but 
against Liberalism as such, while the 
authorities plumed themselves in the fond 
delusion that this senseless struggle was 
a successful stroke of statesmanship. En- 
lightened centralisation would have found 
^. _ . thousands of devoted coadiu- 

1 he Dresden , ■, , 1 j 

-, , tors and have awakened many 

Conferences , . r 1 ^ ^1 

t 01 t dormant forces ; but the cen- 
tralisation of the reactionary 
foes of freedom was bound to remain fruit- 
less and to destroy the pure impulse which 
urged the people to national activity. 

The successes in foreign policy, by 
which presumption had been fostered, 
now ceased. During the Dresden con- 
ferences, which had been held in Olmiitz, 
Schwarzenberg found that he had been 


bitterly deceived in his federal allies among 
the smaller states, and that he had 
affronted Prussia to no purpose as far as 
Austria was concerned. His object had 
been to introduce such modifications in 
the Act of Federation as would enable 
Austria and the countries dependent on 
her to enter the German Federation, which 
would then be forced to secure the inviol- 
ability of the whole Hapsburg power. 
Britain and France declined to accept 
these proposals. The German governments 
showed no desire to enter upon a struggle 
with two Great Powers to gain a federal 
reform which could t)nly benefit Austria. 
Prussia was able calmly to await the col- 
lapse of Schwarzenberg 's schemes. 

After wearisome negotiations, lasting 
from December, 1850, to May, 1851, it be- 
came clear that all attempts at reform were 
futile as long as Austria declined to grant 
Prussia the equality which she desired in 
the presidency and in the formation of the 
proposed " directory." Schwarzenberg 
declined to yield, and all that could be 
done was to return to the old federal 
system, and thereby to make the dis- 
„ creditable avowal that the 

_ ''.'"f ^ - collective governments were 
Funishment of , '^ ^^i j- • • . i 

... . as powerless as the disjointed 

parliament to amend the 
unsatisfactory political situation. In the 
federal palace at Frankfort-on-Main, where 
the sovereignty of that German National 
Assembly had been organised a short time 
before, the opinion again prevailed, from 
1851, that there could be no more dan- 
gerous enemy to the state and to society 
than the popular representative. The 
unfortunate Liberals, humiliated and de- 
pressed by their own incompetency, now 
paid the penalty for their democratic 
tendencies ; they were branded as 
" destructive forces," and punished by 
imprisonment which should properly have 
fallen upon republican inconstancy. 

The majority of the liberal constitutions 
which the revolution of 1848 had brought 
into existence were annulled ; this step was 
quickly carried out in Saxony, Mecklen- 
burg-Schwerin, and Wiirtemberg, in June, 
September, and November, 1850, though 
the Chamber continued an obstinate re 
sistance until August, 1855, in Hanover, 
where the blind King George V. had 
ascended the throne on November i8th, 
185 1. The favour of the federation re- 
stored her detested ruler to the electorate 
of Hesse. He positively revelled in the 


cruelty and op])ression practised upon his 
subjects by the troops of occupation. His 
satellite, Hassenpflug, known as " Hessen- 
Fluch," the curse of Hesse, zealously 
contributed to increase the severity of 
this despotism by his ferocity against 
the recalcitrant officials, who considered 
themselves bound by their obligations 
to the constitution. 

In Prussia the reactionary party would 
very gladly have made an end of consti- 
tutionalism once and for all ; but though 
the king entertained a deep-rooted objec- 
tion to the modern theories of popular parti- 
cipation in the government, he declined to 
be a party to any breach of the oath which 
he had taken. Bunsen and Prince William 
supported his objections to a coup d'etat, 
which seemed the more unnecessary as a 
constitutional change in the direction of 
conservatism had been successfully carried 
through on February 6th, 1850. 

The system of three classes of direct 
representation was introduced at the 
end of April, 1849, taxation thus becoming 
the measure of the political rights 
exercised by the second Chamber. The 
. , possibility of a labour majority 
russia s -^ ^^^-^ Chamber was thus 

f°L^% obviated. The Upper Chamber 
was entirely remodelled. Mem- 
bers were no longer elected, but were 
nominated by the Crown ; seats were made 
hereditary in the different noble families, 
and the preponderance of the nobility was 
thus secured. The institution of a full 
house of lords on October 12th, 1854, ^^.s 
not so severe a blow to the state as 
the dissolution of the parish councils 
and the reinstitution of the provincial 
Landtags in 1851. 

Schleswig-Holstein was handed over to 
the Danes ; the constitution of Septem- 
ber 15th, 1848, and German " proprietary 
rights " were declared null and void by a 
supreme authority composed of Austrian, 
Prussian, and Danish commissioners. By 
the London protocol of May 8th, 1852, the 
Great Powers recognised the. succession of 
Prince Christian of Holstein-Gliicksburg, 
who had married Princess Louise, a 
daughter of the Countess of Hesse, Louise 
Charlotte, sister of Christian VI IL How- 
ever, the German Federation did not favour 
this solution ; the estates of the duchies, 
who had the best right to decide the ques- 
tion, were never even asked their opinion. 
On December 30th, 1852, Duke Christian 
of Holstein-Augustenburg sold his Schles- 

wig estates to the reigning house of Den- 
mark for £337,500, renouncing his here- 
ditary rights at the same time, though the 
other members of the family dechned to 
accept the renunciation as binding upon 
themselves. Thus the Danes gained but 
a temporary victory. It was even then 
clear that after the death of King Frederic 

^. ..^ VII. the struggle would be 

The Cjcrman , r ,,'^ ,• 

_, ^ „ _ . renewed for the separation 

Fleet Exposed ,- xu /- j .l i. 

. . of the German districts 

from the " Danish United 
States." A legacy of the national move- 
ment, the "German fleet," was put up to 
auction at this date. The German Federa- 
tion had no maritime interests to represent. 

It declined the trouble of extorting a 
recognition of the German flag from the 
maritime Powers. Of the four frigates, 
five corvettes, and six gunboats, which 
had been fitted out at a cost of £540,000, 
Prussia bought the larger part, after 
Hanoverian machinations had induced 
the Federal Council to determine the dis- 
solution of the fleet on April 2nd, 1852. 
Prussia acquired from Oldenburg a strip of 
territory on the Jade Bay, and in course of 
time constructed a naval arsenal and har- 
bour, Wilhelmshaven, which enabled her to 
appear as a maritime power in the Baltic. 

These facts were the more important as 
Prussia, in spite of violent opposition, had 
maintained her position as head of that 
economic unity which was now known as 
the " Zollverein." The convention expired 
on December 31st, 1853. From 1849, 
Austria had been working to secure the 
position, and at the tariff conference held 
in Wiesbaden in June, 185 1, had secured 
the support of every state of importance 
within the Zollverein with the exception of 
Prussia. Prussia was in consequence forced 
to renounce the preference for protective 
duties which she had evinced in the last 
few years, and, on September 7th, 1851, 
to join the free trade " Steuerverein," 
which Hanover had formed with Olden- 
. , burg and Lippe in 1834 and 
Austria s_ ^g^^ ^j^^ danger of a separa- 
Treaty with ^-^^ between the eastern and 
russia western territorial groups was 
thus obviated ; the Zollverein of Austria 
and the smaller German states were cut off 
from the sea and deprived of all the 
advantages which the original Prussian 
Zollverein had offered. Austria now 
thought it advisable to conclude a com- 
mercial treaty with Prussia on favourable 
terms on February 19th, 1853, and to 



leave the smaller states to their fate. In 
any case their continual demands for 
compensation and damages had become 
wearisome. Nothing remained for them 
except to join Prussia. Thus on April 4th, 
1853, the Zollverein was renewed, to last 
until December 31st, 1865. It was an 
association embracing an area containing 
T-.. i^i u. 35.000,000 inhabitants. As 
The Church s ^^.^^^ ^j^g ^^j ^f Napoleon I., 

orPllnde/^ so now the lion's share of the 
plunder acquired in the 
struggle against the revolution fell to the 
Church. Liberalism had indeed rendered 
an important service to Catholicism by 
incorporating in its creed the phrase, 
" the Free Church in the Free State." 

The Jesuits were well able to turn this 
freedom to the best account. They de- 
manded for the German bishops unlimited 
powers of communication with Rome and 
with the parochial clergy, together with 
fun disciplinary powers over all priests 
without the necessity of an appeal to 
the state. Nothing was simpler than 
to construe ecclesiastical freedom as im- 
plying that right of supremacy for which 
the Church had yearned during the past 
eight centuries. 

The Archbishop of Freiburg pushed the 
theory with such brazen effrontery that 
even the reactionary government was 
lorced to imprison him. However, in 
Darmstadt and Stuttgart the governments 
submitted to the demands of Rome. Parties 
in the Prussian Chamber were increased by 
the addition of a new Catholic pai'ty, led 
by the brothers Reichensperger, to which 
high favour was shown by the " Catholic 
Contingent " in the ministry of ecclesi- 
astical affairs — a party created by the 
ecclesiastical minister, Eichhorn, in 1841. 

There was no actual collision in Prussia 
between ultramontanism and the temporal 
power. The Government favoured the 
reaction in the Protestant Church, which 
took the form of an unmistakable rap- 
_ ,. prochement to Catholicism. 

Keaction t^i t« -i, t 

Ihe rowers were committed 
to a policy of mutual counsel 
and support. Stahl, Hengs- 
tenberg, and Gerlach, who had gained com- 
plete ascendancy over Frederic William IV. 
since the revolution, were undermining 
the foundations of the Protestant creed, 
especially the respect accorded to inward 
conviction, on which the whole of 
Protestantism was based. In the 
"regulations" of October, 1854, the 


in Protestant 

schools were placed under Church super- 
vision, and in the "Church Councils" 
hypocrisy was made supreme. WhenBunsen 
advanced to champion the cause of spiritual 
freedom, he gained only the honourable 
title of " devastator of the Church." 

In Austria the rights of the human 
understanding were flouted even more 
completely than in Russia by the conclu- 
sion of the notorious concordat of August 
i8th, 1855. This agieement was the 
expression of an alliance between ultra- 
montanism and the new centralising 
absolutism. The hierarchy undertook for 
a short period to oppose the national 
parties and to commend the refusal of 
constitutional rights. Ln return the 
absolutist state placed the whole of its 
administration at the disposal of the 
Church, and gave the bishops uncondi- 
tional supremacy over the clergy, who 
had hitherto used the position assigned to 
them by Joseph II. for the benefit of 
the people, and certainly not for the 
injury of the Church. The Church thus 
gained a spiritual preponderance which 
was used to secure her paramountcy. The 
example of Austria was imi- 
u-tj ^°^^ tated in the Italian states, 
which owed their existence to 
her. Piedmont alone gathered 
the opponents of the Roman hierarchy 
under her banner,, for this government at 
least was determined that no patriot should 
be led astray by the great fiction of a 
national Pope. In Spain the Jesuits joined 
the Carlists, and helped them to carry on 
a hopeless campaign, marked by a series 
of defeats. In Belgium, on the other hand, 
they secured an almost impregnable posi- 
tion in 1855, and fought the Liberals with 
their own weapons. Only Portugal, whence 
they had first been expelled in the eigh- 
teenth century, kept herself free from their 
influence in the nineteenth, and showed 
that even a Catholic government had no 
need to fear the threats of the papacy. 

Rome had set great hopes upon France, 
since Louis Napoleon's " plebiscites " had 
been successfully carried out with the help 
of the clergy. But the Curia found France 
a prudent friend, not to be caught of£ her 
guard. The diplomatic skill of Napoleon 
III. was never seen to better advantage 
than in his delimitation of the spheres 
respectively assigned to the temporal and 
the spiritual Powers. Even the Jesuits 
were unable to fathom his intentions. 
Hans von Zwiedineck-Sudenhorst 

of Rome 


From the painting by Robert Gibb. R.S.A.. by penuission of Mr. E. Erucc-Low 

TO FACE PAGE 4 97 5 



By Arthur D. 

•yHE fall of Sir Robert Peel, in 1846, had 
■*■ been effected almost at the moment 
when the Duke of Wellington was persuad- 
ing the House of Lords to swallow the 
repeal of the Corn Laws, the crowning 
accomplishment of Peel's career. It 
was achieved by a combination of angry 
Protectionists and angry Irishmen, who 
united to throw out a government 
measure for coercion in Ireland. The 
potato famine had definitely completed 
the conversion of both Peel and the 
Whigs to the doctrines of the Anti- 
Corn Law League, and was followed by 
earnest efforts for the relief of distress. 

But distress itself had, as usual, in- 
tensified discontent, generating agrarian 
outrages, and relief and coercion were 
proffered simultaneously. The uncon- 
verted chiefs of what had been Peel's party 
saw their opportunity ; and the adverse vote 
brought about Peel's resignation. Lord 
John Russell formed a Whig Ministry, with 
Palmerston as Foreign Secretary — which 
position he had occupied in Melbourne's 
time — and the Peelites, regarding the 
question of Free Trade as of primary im- 
r^ . » •. • portance, gave the Govern- 

Oreat Britain ^ , ° , , , 

. . Y ment a support which 

, „ ... secured its continuity. The 
of Revolutions . , r 

improvement m the con- 
dition of the working classes, coupled with 
the British inclination to distrust the 
political efficacy of syllogisms expressed in 
terms of physical force, made Great Britain 
almost the only European country where 
nothing revolutionary took place in the year 
of revolutions, 1848. The monster petition 
of the Chartists was its most alarming event. 

Innes, M.A. 

The death of O'Connell, however, in the 

previous year had deprived the Irish of a 

leader who had always set his face against 

the methods of violence, and Ireland did 

not escape without an abortive insi\rrection 

headed by Smith O'Brien. The leaders were 

taken, condemned to death for high treason, 

liad their sentences commuted to trans- 

, . _ , , portation, and were subse- 
Lord Palmerston ^ , , j 1 

. quentiy pardoned — more 

V • f\tf than one of those *asso- 
Foreign Office ' ■ , 1 •,, ^.i 

ciated with the movement 

achieved distinction in later years in the 

political service of the British Empire. 

Palmerston's activities at the Foreign 
Office, however, were a source of con- 
siderable disquietude at this period. Forty 
years of parliamentary life, many of them 
passed in office, first as a Tory, later as a 
Canningite, and finally as a Whig, had not 
produced in that persistently youthful 
statesman any inclination in favour of the 
further democratisation of the British 
Constitution, or of what in his younger 
days would have been called Jacobinism 
abroad ; but he was a convinced advocate 
of freedom as he understood it and as 
Canning had understood it. He saw in 
revolutionary movements a disease engen- 
dered by despotic systems of government ; 
and being alive to the European ferment, 
he took upon himself to warn the despotic 
governments that they would do well to 
apply the remedy of constitutionalism 
before the disease became dangerous. 

The despotic governments, recognising 
no difference between the disease itself and 
the remedy, held him guilty not only of 
officiousness in tendering advice which 



From the paintiiit; by Sir Edwin Landscur. R.A. 





was unasked, but of fomenting revolution in 
their dominions, and were not unnaturally 
resentful, although, as a matter of fact, 
they would have profited 
greatly by paying heed to 
his well-meant warnings. 

The attacks in Parlia- 
ment on his " meddling " 
policy were successfully 
met in 1849, <^^^ public 
opinion endorsed his view 
that Britain ought to 
make her opinions felt in 
foreign countries — that, 
in fact, she would not be 
adequately discharging 
the responsibilities of her 
great position in the world 
unless she did so. Never- 
theless, his methods were 
irritating not only to 
foreign potentates, but to 
his own sovereign, who 
frequently found that 
her Foreign Minister was 
committing the 
Government without 
her knowledge to de- 
clarations which she 
cordd only endorse 
because it would have 
been impossible to 
retract them with 
dignity, his colleagues 
being consulted as 
little as herself. 

In 1850 the queen 
sent a memorandum 
to Russell, requiring 
that she should be 
kept adequately in- 
formed before, not 
after, the event, of 
any steps which the 
Foreign Minister in- 
tended to take. The 
immediate cause of 
the memorandum 
was connected with 
Palmerston's attitude 
on the Schleswig- 
Holstein question, re- 
garding which she and 
her husband, Prince 
Albert, favoured the 
German view, to 
which Palmerston 

He was twice Prime Minister, first in 1846 on 
the formation of a Whig Ministry following 
the defeat of Peel, and again in ISiiS, on the 
death of Lord Palmerston. He was created 
Earl Russell in 1861, and he died in 1878. 

of the Foreign Minister's high-handed 
methods was the " Don Pacifico " affair. 
Don Pacifico was a Jew from Gibraltar, a 
British subject, residing 
in Greece, whose house 
and property were 
damaged in a riot. Pal- 
merston took up his 
claim for compensation 
as an international in- 
stead of a personal affair, 
sent the fleet to the 
Pirc-elis, the harbour of 
Athens, and seized Greek 
merchant vessels. Russia 
adopted a threatening 
attitude, to which Pal- 
merston had no disposi- 
tion to yield. The French 
Republic, under the presi- 
dency of Louis Napoleon, 
was indignant at the 
action of Great Britain, 
but still more indignant at 
being ignored by Russia. 
Palmerston ac- 
cepted French media- 
tion — not arbitra- 
tion ; there were 
further complica- 
tions, in whicR the 
French thought that 
Albion was showing 
her historic perfidy ; 
but the whole affait 
was too trivial to 
involve two great 
nations in a war over 
mere diplomatic pro- 
prieties, and the 
quarrel was patched 
up. This incident 
was the inciting cause 
.of a formal attack on 
Palmerston's foreign 
policy, which resulted 
in a vote ot censure 
in the Upper Cham- 
ber, in consequence 
of which a resolution 
of confidence was 
introduced in the 
Commons. Peel him- 
self was ( n the s'de of 
the Opposition, but 
Palmerston vindi- 
cated his principles in 

Eminent as statesman and novelist, Benjamin Disraeli, 

afterwards Lord Beaconsfield, made a great reputation j ,• i l 

was opposed. Another in the political world, though his maiden speech in the aWOUdertul SpCCCh 

„■ J . -11 J. i.- House of Commons was greeted with derisive laughter. .i << „• ,:„ T>r^r^^„,,^ 

incident illustrative He twice held the hi|h office of Prime Minister, the CIVIS RomanUb 




sum " speech — which carried the House 
and the country triumphantly with him. 
The year also witnessed one of those 
" No Popery" waves of excitement which 
periodically break upon England. The 
Tractarian movement had produced in the 
mind of the Pope the recurrent delusion 
that the heretical island was on the verge 
of conversion. He issued a Bull establishing 
a Roman hierarchy in England, with 
territorial titles, an assumption of authority 
contravening the constitutional principle 
of the royal supremacy. In response to the 
popular excitement created, the Govern- 
ment introduced the " Ecclesiastical 

letter till its repeal twenty years later. 
The queen's memorandum in the pre- 
vious November, somewhat to the public 
surprise, had not been followed by Palmers- 
ton's resignation ; apparently he had 
accepted the rebuke in good pai't, and 
promised to consult the queen's wishes. 
But his practice remained unaltered. The 
arrival in England of the Hungarian 
leader, Kossuth, was the occasion of a dis- 
play of sympathy wliich was at best a 
breach of international etiquette, Kossuth 
being technically a rebel. At the moment 
when Palmerston was being taken to task 
for neglect of his promise to pay proper 

On the defeat of the Derby government in December, l!;.rJ, Lord Aberdeen formed a coalition Ministry of Wliig-s and 
Peelites with Gladstone as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Russell at the Foreign and Palmerston at the Home Officei 

From the paintint; by Sir John Gilbert, R.A. Photo by Walker 

Titles " Bill, which was naturally opposed 
by the Roman Catholics and also by all 
who saw in it an interference with the 
principle of religious liberty. The Govern- 
ment, feeling its position to be somewhat 
precarious, took advantage of its own 
defeat on a snap vote — .a symptom of the 
now growing demand for further electoral 
reform — -to resign, and thereby to demon- 
strate the impossibility of any other 
working administration being constructed. 
It resumed office in February, 185 1, and 
carried the Bill in a modified form, but 
the Act remained practically a dead 

atteffition to the queen's wishes in this 
affair, Louis Napoleon in France carried 
out the coup d'etat which he had been 
preparing, and established himself as a 
dictator. Palmerston persuaded himself 
that the British Foreign Minister could 
express his personal approval in a conver- 
sation with the French ambassador with- 
out committing the Cabinet, the Crown, 
or the country. The other parties concerned 
did not accept that view, and Palmerston's 
resignation was demanded. But he had 
hardly been dismissed when he got his 
" tit-for-tat with John Russell," as he 



expressed it. Napoleon's coup d'etat 
had its alarming side for Great Britain, 
a.s a probable prelude to an aggressive 
French policy, of which the Napoleonic 
tradition would make England the primary 
object of hos- 
tility, A Bill was 
accordingly in- 
troduced for the 
reorganisation of 
the militia. The 
scheme proposed 
was not felt to 
be satisfactory ; 
headed the at- 
tack, the Ministry 
were defeated, 
and the Govern- 
ment was under- 
taken by the 
chief, Lord 
Derby, with Dis- 
raeli as his Chan- 
cellor of the 
Exchequer and 
Leader of the 
House of Com- 
mons, in Feb- 
ruary, 1852. The 
most notable 
of the actual 
achievements of 
the Russell ad- 
ministration had 
been the applica- 
tion in Australia, 
by an Act of 1850, 
of those prin- 
ciples of colonial 

converted in 1852 was an exploded 
antediluvian fallacy. In the interval, the 
scanty handful of its opponents were but 
feeble voices crying in the wilderness 
The theory of Protection being so effec- 
tively scotched as 
to be apparently 
killed, the ex- 
— who had main- 
tained the old 
doctrine not from 
the manufactur- 
ing, but from the 
agrarian point of 
view — fell back 
on the principle 
that the landed 
interest, which 
the old system 
had protected, 
required relief 
now that the 
protection was 
withdrawn ; and 
to this end Dis- 
raeli constructed 
his Budget. But 
his extremely in- 
genious redistri- 
bution of the 
burden of taxa- 
tion failed to 
attract the 
approval of 
economists of 
other schools, or 

Th2 long and illustrious life of the Duke of Wellington came to an end r ,1 • . 

in 1S52, the hero of Waterloo passing peacefully away on September ^^ xnOSe iniereSLS 
14th, in his arm-chair at Walmer. In the above picture the body of wllicll did UOt 
the distinguished general, who was laid to rest with great pomp flgcxj-g the land 
in St. Paul's Cathedral, is seen lying in state at Chelsea Hospital, j. l v A + 

government which had been inaugurated 
by the Canadian Act of Reunion. The 

new Ministry carried a new Militia 
Bill and then dissolved, apparently with 
a view to taking the sense of the country 
on the Free Trade policy which had 
brought the Liberals into office. 

The Ministerialists, however, did not 
definitely commit themselves to a Pro- 
tectionist programme, and the question 
was brought to a direct issue in the 
Commons by a resolution affirming the 
principle of Free Trade, which, in amended 
form, was accepted and carried by an over- 
whelming majority. Fifty years were to 
pass before the discovery that the revolu- 
tionary economic doctrine of 1846 to which 
the country declared itself definitely 


their expense. The Budget debate marked 
conspicuously the opening of the long 
personal rivalry between its proposer, 
Disraeli, and its strongest critic, William 
Ewart Gladstone. The Government was 
defeated, and resigned in December, 1852. 
The Ecclesiastical Titles Bill, which had 
been a barrier between Whigs and Peelites, 
had already vanished into hmbo, and the 
Ministry which now took office was formed 
by a coalition of those two parties. The 
Peelite, Lord Aberdeen, was its head, 
Gladstone its Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
Russell was at the Foreign Office, and 
Palm«rston Home Secretary. 

Before the fall of the Conservatives, a 
great figure had passed from the stage. 
A little more than two years after his 


closest political associate, Sir Robert Peel, 
the " Iron Duke " died in September, at 
the age of eighty-three. Forty years before, 
he had proved himself the greatest 
captain in Europe save 
one ; and his, in the eyes 
of Europe, had been the 
triumph of vanquishing 
that one. To him more 
than to anyone else 
France owed it that she 
had been generously 
treated when the war 
was ended ; his was prob- 
ably the most decisively 
moderating influence 
among the statesmen 
whose task it was to 
restore order in Europe. 
But while he possessed 
high qualities of states- 
manship, they were not 
those adapted to parlia- 

sincerity,' his transparent honesty, and 
his conspicuous moral courage, made him 
a unique figure, and fully justified the 
universal popularity which came to him 
-tardily enough, and the 
genuine passion of mourn- 
ing with which the whole 
nation received the tid- 
ings of his death. Wel- 
Imgton had overthrown 
the first Napoleon. 
Eleven weeks after he had 
breathed his last, " the 
nephew of his uncle " 
was proclaimed Emperor 
of the French with the 
title of Napoleon III. The 
famous coalition Ministry 
opened its career with 
the first of the brilliant 
series of Gladstone Bud- 
gets, introduced in a 
speech which revealed 

mentary government. As the defender of sebastopol the hitherto unsuspected 

a VriniQfpr hp was; a General Todleben, a distinguished Russian x ^ thnf ficrnrpc; ran ho 

a xUiniSter ne was a soldier and mUitary engineer, held Sebastopol I^" lUat ngUlCS Can tX 

failure ; as a counsellor against the British, displaying great resource made fascinating. But 

and energy until he was severely wounded. 

his judgment always 
carried very great weight. His unqualified 
patriotism, his complete subordination of 
personal interests to what he conceived 
to be the welfare of the state, his perfect 

even the charm of the 
Budget was soon to be overshadowed by 
the war clouds in the East. So far a* the 
preliminaries of the Crimean war are con- 
cerned with French and Russian rivalries 




and with matters outside British interests, 
they will be dealt with in the chapter 
following. Here we observe that in the 
beginning of 1853 the Tsar was assuming 
a threatening attitude towards the Porte 
On the hypothesis that Russia was the 
protector of the Greek Church Christians 
in the Turkish dominions; and that France, 


in the character of protector of the Latin 
Christians, regarded the Russian attitude 
as merely a pretext for absorbing the 
Danube states. A similar view was en- 
tertained in England, where the Tsar had 
already made suggestions regarding the 
ultimate partition of the Turkish Empire, 
which he regarded as practically inevitable 


England, however, and Palmerston in 
particular, looked upon the maintenance 
of the independence of Turkey as a 
necessity, if for no other reason because 
Russian expansion in the direction either 
of India or of the Mediterranean appeared 
exceedingly dangerous to the interests of 
Great Britain. It may be remembered that 
the Afghan war of 1839 ^^^.d been the out- 
come of Persian aggressions which were uni- 
versally regarded as prompted \\y Russia. 
Russia maintained her claim to protect 
the Christians in the Danube provinces ; 
Turkey declined her demand for 

Napoleon would not venture on that 
appeal single-handed. The temper of the 
country, however, was clearly in favour 
of Palmerston's views, and in July the 
French and l^ritish fleets were despatched 
to Besika Bay. The " Vienna Note," a 
proposal formulated by the Powers in 
conference at Vienna, was amended by 
Turkey and rejected by Russia in August. 
Everywhere popular feeling was rising ; 
an anti-Christian emeute was feared in 
Constantinople, and the French and 
British fleets were ordered to the Dar- 
danelles in October, ostensibly to protect 

The aggression of Russia, involved by her claim of 1853 to be protector of the Orthodox Greek Christians in the 
fiirkish dominions, %as naturally resented by Turkey. Both Britain and France took the side of the latter, and on 
March 27th, 1854, declared war on Russia, whence followed all the miseries and suffering of the Crimean war. 

guarantees ; the rest of the Powers 
upheld Turkey. Negotiations faiUng, 
Russia occupied the provinces in July 
as a proceeding wairanted by her treaty 
rights. The Powers might, by the exer- 
cise of joint pressure, have compelled 
Russia to retire, but a mere evacuation 
would not have satisfied either Napoleon 
or Palmerston. Aberdeen, on the other 
hand, allowed llis aversion to war to be 
so obvious that the Tsar probably felt 
quite satisfied that Britain would not 
join France in an appeal to arms, and that 

the Christians. Before the close of the 
month Turkey declared war on Russia, 
to which the Tsar replied by declaring 
that he would not take the offensive. 
The Turks crossed the Danube, and fight- 
ing began. But when a Russian squadron 
feil upon some Turkish ships in the harbour 
of Sinope and destroyed them on September 
30th, the action was regarded as proving 
the insincerity of the Tsar's declarations. 
Aberdeen found himself obliged to consent 
to the occupation of the Black Sea by the 
allied fleets on December 27th. The 



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Fron) the picture by K. Caton Woodville, by permisbion of iMessrs. Graves &: Cc. 



precipitate action of France and Britain in 
presenting a joint note demanding the 
evacuation of the Danube provinces gave 
Austria an excuse for leaving them to 
act independently ; and on March 27th, 
1854, the two Western Powers declared 
war on Russia and proceeded to a formal 
alliance with the Turks, who in the mean- 
time had more than held their own on land. 
Troops were despatched to co-operate 
with the Turks, and it soon became 
evident that the Russians would have no 
chance of effecting a successful invasion ; 
before the end of July it was clear that 
they would be obliged to evacuate the 
Provinces. But before that time instruc- 
tions had already been sent for the invasion 
of the Crim.ea and the seizure of Sebastopol. 

But the invasion could 
not be . carried out till 
September ; and by that 
time, Sebastopol had 
been placed in a com- 
paratively thorough state 
of defence by the en- 
gineering skill of Todle- 
ben. Its capture by a 
coup de main was now 
extremely improbable. 
The British and French 
forces disembarked at 
Eupatoria, and found a 
Russian army under Men- 
schikoff lying between 
them and Sebastopol. 
The battle of the Alma, 
in which the brunt of the 
fighting was borne by the 
British, left the allies 
masters of the field. 
Menschikoff withdrew his 
main foi^ce not to Sebas- 
topol but to the interior, 
of the dying French general, St. Arnaud, 
prevented an immediate assault from 
being attempted — it was ascertained later 
that the attempt at that moment would 
probably have been successful — and the 
allies settled down to _,a siege. Their 
numbers were not sufficient 
The Charge ^^^, ^ complete investment, 
and the communications be- 
tween Menschikoff and the 
garrison remained open. The British 
drew their supplies from the port of 
Balaclava, and Menschikoff now en- 
deavoured to effect its capture. The 
movement, however, was repulsed, mainly 
by the magnificent charge of the Heavy 

In the 
"Valley of 


■ . ' \C^'Sk 




1 1 

- :'^^'^^^^ 


'^mskm^'l: ] 


Commander-in-chief of tiie British forces in 
the Crimea, his conduct of the war was severely 
condemned both by the public and the Press. 
He died from dysentery on June -Sth, 1853. 

The opposition 

of the Heavy 

Brigade against a column of five times their 
own numbers ; but that splendid action 
was eclipsed in the popular mind by one 
of the most desperate, and, from a military 
point of view, most futile, deeds of valour 
on record, the charge of the Six Hundred. 
Through the misinterpretation 
of an order, the Light Brigade 
hurled itself through a terrific 
storm of shot and she'l upon a 
Russian battery, captured it, and xhen, 
because there was nothing else to be done, 
relinquished it, leaving more than two- 
thirds of their number in the " Valley of 
Death." Nothing whatever was gamed 
of a calculable kind. Yet it was one 
of those deeds which have a moral value 
past all calculation, like the equally futile 
defence of Thermopykc. 
Ten days later an 
attempt was made upon 
the British position before 
Sebastopol at Inkerman. 
The attack was made by 
a large Russian force in 
the midst of a fog so 
thick that none knew 
what was going on except 
close at hand. Concerted 
action was impossible, 
and men battled desper- 
ately as best they could 
m small groups. The fight 
was fought by the men 
virtually without com- 
mandeis, and, in spite of 
immensely superior num- 
bers, the Russians were 
triumphantly repulsed. 
But after Inkerman, the 
design, then in contem- 
plation, of an immediate 
assault on Sebastopol was abandoned. 
And then the Crimean winter began. A 
winter siege had not been in the pro- 
gramme when the expedition was planned ; 
the arrangements were disastrously inade- 
quate, and their inadequacy was increased 
by the destruction in a gale of the stores 
which had reached Balaclava but had not 
been disembarked ; while the iniquities of 
army contractors broke all previous records. 
The four winter months killed far more 
of the troops than the Russians were 
responsible for. The blame lay not at all 
with the officers on the spot, and only in a 
limited degree with the Government, but 
popular indignation' compelled the retire- 
ment of Aberdeen ; and Palmerston, the 






man in whom the confidence of the country 
had not been shaken, became Prime 
Minister in February, 1855. The lesson of 
the early administrative blunders had been 
learnt, and a great improvement was soon 
apparent. The immense and unprece- 
dented services of the staff of nurses 
organised under Florence Nightingale, who 
had been at work since Novem- 
-. . ber, mark an epoch in the history 

poc in ^^ civilised warfare. Negotia- 
tions were renewed at Vienna; 
but while agreement might have been 
reached on two of the four proposals put 
forward by Austria, Russia was obdurate 
on a third, and the belligerent allies were 
dissatisfied with the fourth. 

The negotiations broke down, and Austria 
again found excuse in the attitude of the 
French and British for declining to join 
them in an offensive alliance — in their eyes 
a breach of faith on her part. In May, 
however, Sardinia joined' the allies, and 
the British share in the operations at 
Sebastopol became comparatively re- 
stricted, while the British fleets found 
little of consequence to do. It was 
not till September 8th that Sebastopol 
fell, an event secured by the French 
capture of the Malakoff. 

Napoleon was now satisfied with the 
personal security his imperial position 
had acquired from the war ; the friend- 
ship of the new Tsar, Alexander II. — 
Nicholas had died in March — was of 
more importance to him, if not to France, 
than the repression of Russia. Austria 
cared only to have her own Balkan in- 
terests safeguarded, and it was with no 
little difficulty that the British were able 
to secure adequate checks on Russian 
aggression. The occasion was used for a 
fresh settlement of those maritime regula- 
tions which had been the cause of the 
" Armed Neutrality " at the close of the 
last century. Privateering, the one weapon 
which hostile Powers had been able to 
wield effectively against Great 
Britain, was abolished ; and, 
p . . on the other hand, it was con- 

cr ng ^g^ig^ ^j^g^^ ^j^^ neutral flag 

should cover all goods but contraband of 
war, and that even on belligerent vessels 
neutral goods should not be liable to 
capture, in March, 1856. 

The war in the Crimea had necessitated 
the withdrawal of British regiments from 
India, where, on the other hand, Dal- 
housie's annexations had involved an in- 


crease in the Sepoy army. A quarrel with 
Persia demanded an expedition to that 
country from India at the end of 1856, 
owing to the seizure of Herat by Persia — 
a movement attributed, as a matter of 
course, to Russian instigation. No diffi- 
culty was found in the military operations, 
which soon resulted in a treaty by which 
Persia resigned Herat and all claims on 
Afghan territory ; but the war must be 
included among the minor circumstances 
which encouraged the outbreak of the 
great Sepoy revolt of 1857. 

About the same time a war with China 
was brought about by what is known as 
the "Arrow" incident. The Arrow was 
a Chinese vessel which had been sailing 
under the British flag, and was continuing 
to do so though the year during which she 
was authorised to do so had just elapsed. 
The Chinese authorities, having no know- 
ledge of this lapse, nevertheless seized the 
crew in Canton harbour on the hypothesis 
that there were persons " wanted " for 
piracy among its number. Reparation was 
demanded and refused, the British fleet was 
called into play, and the incident developed 
„ . . , definitely into a war. The 
™ "* * British Government acted on 
. . ^. . the principle that the punctilios 
of Western diplomacy are m- 
variably looked upon by Orientals as signs 
of weakness which invite defiance ; high- 
handed methods, however, equally in- 
variably offend the moral ideals of a large 
section of the British people, and the 
Government was vigorously attacked by 
the Liberals and Peelites who had parted 
from the Ministry. But an appeal to the 
country gave Palmerston a decisive ma- 
jority in April, 1857. The war was brought 
to a conclusion in the course of 1858. 

Almost the first news, which came on 
the new Parliament as a bolt from the 
blue, was that of the great outbreak in 
India, the story of which has been dealt 
with in the earlier section of this work 
devoted to Indian history. The Mutiny 
was inaugurated by the rising of the- 
Sepoys at Mirat on May loth, 1857. Delhi 
was seized in the name of a restored Mogul 
Empire ; a British force concentrated on 
the famous Ridge, which it occupied for the, 
siege of the great city, held by forces- 
enormously superior in point of numbers. 

Above Allahabad, the whole Ganges 
basin was in the hands of the mutineers, 
and the British were soon shut up in Cawn- 
pore or the Lucknow Residency, with the 



exception of the force on the ridge before 
Delhi and of a considerable number who 
took refuge at Agra. The loyalty and dip- 
lomacy of Sindhia and his minister Dinkar 
Rao restrained the Gwalior army from 
marching to Delhi. In September, Delhi 
was stormed and Lucknow was reinforced 
by the operations of Havelock and Out ram. 
From that time, though Sindhia was 
no longer able to hold back the Gwalior 
regiments, the tide turned. Troops 
were arriving from England ; a contin- 
gent on its w^ay to the Chinese war 
was detained for the more serious affair. 
In November, Sir Colin Campbell relieved 
the defenders of the Lucknow Residency ; 
ni the spring, the British armies were 

amend the conspiracy laws; but the. 
French had assumed an attitude of such 
amazing and bombastic truculence that 
the Conspiracy to Murder Bill was regarded 
as a pusillanimous submission to foreign 
insolence — a curious charge against the Min- 
ister who was accustomed to being himself 
accused of arrogance rather than submis- 
siveness in foreign affairs, mainly to be 
explained by the tenacious pride with which 
the nation clung to its claim of oftering 
an asylum to refugees from oppression. 

The Bill was defeated, the Government 
resigned, and again Lord Derby took 
office, though his party was in a minority 
in the House of Commons. Under such 
circumstances, the Ministry had no choice 


From tlic paintinj^ by Si 

everywhere triumphant, and in the summer 
the last efforts of the revolt were crushed. 

The Mutiny brought home to the British 
mind the necessity for terminating the 
unique and anomalous dual control, by the 
East India Company and Parliament, of 
the government of India. It was time that 
the Crown should assume the exclusive 
responsibility, and in February, 1858, 
Palmerston brought in a Bill for that 
purpose. By a curious accident, he was 
turned out of office before the Bill could be 
passed. An Italian named Orsini flung 
bombs under the carriage of Napoleon in 
January ; it turned out that the plot had 
been hatched and the bombs manufactured 
in England. The Government proposed to 



r John Gilbert, R.A. 

but to seek for compromises with the 
Opposition. Lord Derby's India Bill, 
when introduced, was obviously not 
destined to pass, and the Act which finall}' 
ended the career of the East India Com- 
pany, and transferred the Indian govern- 
ment to the Crown, was virtually the work 
of all parties combining to arrive at a 
settlement irrespective of party. Lord 
Canning, the Governor-General, who had 
remained at the helm throughout the 
Mutiny, inaugurated the new regime as the 
first Viceroy. In the same summer, the 
Lords were persuaded to pass a Bill 
removing the political disabilities under 
which the Jews still laboured, a principle 
repeatedly approved by the Commons 




Arising: out of their common interests in the war against Russia, a kindly feeling sprang up between Britain and 
France, the rulers of the two countries exchanging visits of friendship. On April 16th, 1S.?5, the Emperor 
Napoleon III. and the Empress Eugc'nie arrived in England, visiting Queen Victoria at Windsor Castle, and in 
the above picture they are shown with the Queen and the Prince Consort at the Royal Italian Opera on April 1 )th. 


In the August following the visit of the French Emperor and Empress to England, Queen Victoria and the Prince 
Consort visited France. In this picture the British queen and her husband are seen at the Tuilenes, the tormer 
in the foreground on the arm of Napoleon with Prince Albert and the Empress Eugenie immediately behind. 



The first distribution of V.C. medals is represented in the above picture, this event taking place on May ISth, ls56 ; 
the queen is shown in the act of presenting a medal to Sir Thomas Troubridge, who had lost both his feet in action. 

and rejected by the Peers during the 
preceding twenty-five years. Electoral 
Reform — that is, extension of the fran- 
chise — was a subject in which the 
electorate and the unenfranchised masses 
were more interested than Ministers. 
Russell and a considerable section of 
the Liberals were becoming more strongly 
disposed in that 'direction, but the 
Palmerstonians preferred to keep the 
question shelved as long as possible. 
Disraeli, however, now saw a possibility of 

securing success to the conservative policy 
by a measure professedly democratic, but 
safeguarded by devices which, in the eyes 
of the Liberals, were intended to secure 
political preponderance for conservative 
influences. Defeated on a resolution intro- 
duced by Russell, Lord Derby appealed to 
the country ; the party returned some- 
what strengthened in numbers, but still in 
a minority, and the minority gave way 
to a new Palmerston administration, with 
Russell at the Foreign Office, the two 

; 1 -' r. 




liberal leaders having recognised the need 
of co-operation. Gladstone returned to 
the Exchequer. 

Palmerston remained at the head of the 
government till his death in 1865. It was 
inevitable that a Franchise BiU should be 
introduced, but it aroused no enthusiasm 
in Parliament or in the country, and 

When the Indian Mutiny broke out in 1S57, the British army in India was not sufficiently 
strong adequately to cope with the rising, and reinforcements were speedily despatched 
from England. Farewell scenes are graphically represented in the above picture. 

From the painting by Hcnrj- O'Neill, A.R.A. 

Russell, who introduced it, found an 
excuse for its withdrawal, after which, by 
common consent, reform was shelved for 
the lifetime of the Prime Minister. There 
was little legislation during Palmerston's 
supremacy, and domestic interest centred 
mainly in the systematic extension of 
Free Trade principles, in the Budgets, and 

in the commercial treaty with France, 
negotiated by Richard Cobden, which 
was ratified in i860. 

The Budget of that year reduced the 
number of articles subject to customs 
duties from 419 to 48, the primary object 
being the removal of preferential and pro- 
tective duties. Financial questions, how- 
ever, narrowly 
missed producing 
a serious constitu- 
tional crisis. It 
was proposed in 
1859 to remove 
the tax upon 
paper. Being in- 
troduced in a Bill 
separate from the 
Budget, the Lords 
claimed the right 
of rejecting the 
proposal. The 
Commons claimed 
that . the Lords 
could not reject 
separately any 
part of the 
general financial 
scheme. The 
action of the 
Lords in rejecting 
the Bill was in 
accordance with 
the law, but not 
with the custom 
of the Constitu- 
tion. The crisis 
was averted, 
partly by a series 
of resolutions in, 
the Commons, 
which pointed to 
the inclusion of 
such proposals in 
the Budget as 
security against 
the repetition of 
such action by the 
Lords, and partly 
by the inclusion of 
the particular pro- 
posal in the Budget of the following year. 
These years, however, were marked by 
comphcations in the affairs of other 
nations which made the task of steering 
Great Britain successfully a difficult and 
delicate one. The sympathies of the country 
and of the Government were with the 
Italians in their struggle for hberty from 





the Austrian yoke, with Poland in her 
resistance to Russia, with Denmark in her 
hopeless contest with Prussia and Austria 
over Schleswig-Holstein. In the first case, 
the moral support of Great Britain was of 
considerable value to Victor Emmanuel ; 
in the other two, the action of the Govern- 
ment had the unfortunate appearance of 
exciting an expectation of material sup- 
port which they lacked the courage to 
carry into action. 

But it was the civil war in America which 
most seriously threatened to involve this 
country. There were two grave causes of 

system the more easily because it had no 
use for slave-labour itself, and became 
determined to abolish slavery. Hence the 
Southern States asserted the right to 
secede from a confederation which they 
had entered voluntarily ; the North held 
that the union was federal, indissoluble, 
and that secession was rebellion. 

In 1861, a group of the Southern States 
formed themselves into a confederation 
claiming independence, under their own 
president, and the great struggle began. 
The sympathies of the British were 
sharply divided. Toryism had a fellow 


disagreement between the Northern and 
the Southern States of the Union, which 
issued in a third, the gravest of all. The 
Northern States were manufacturing com- 
munities, and determined to protect their 
manufactures by the exclusion of foreign 
competition. The Southern States, whose 
products were not exposed to competition, 
objected to the protectionist policy which 
raised prices for the consumer. The 
Southern States hved by the production 
of crops cultivated by slave labour ; the 
North was able to realise the iniquity of the 


feeling for the gentry of the South. 
Liberalism held slavery in horror, yet the 
general principles of political freedom 
were on the side of the right of secession. 
The Government was firm in its resolution 
not to intervene, not to declare itself on 
either side ; but it was obliged to com- 
mit itself on the question whether the 
Southerners were to be treated as lawful 
belligerents or as rebels. The position 
adopted was that the effective strength 
of the Southern States made them de facto 
belligerents, and that their recognition 

m^ Jiiiiii -■'->"- ■ f 





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3 ^ 

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having been negligent of set purpose. 
At the same time, greatly as the South 
benefited by the resolute impartiality of 
Great Britain, it felt itself hardly less 
bitterly aggrieved thereby than the North, 
since it appeared almost certain that British 

as such implied no judgment on the merits 
of the dispute ; on the other hand, the 
time had not yet come when their claim 
lor recognition as a separate nation could 
be officially acknowledged. The justice 
:ind impartiahty of this attitude proved 
acceptable neither 
to North nor to 
South. In 1862 
Great Britain was 
iiU but compelled 
to commence hos- 
tilities by ,- the 
action of the' 
North in seizing 
the persons of two 
from the South on 
board a British 
vessel, the Trent, 
on which they had 
embarked in the 
neutral port of 
Havanna. The 
tardy recognition 
of this violation of 
international law 
and the liberation 
of the commis- 
sioners averted 
hostilities. Rela- 
tions were, more- 
over, perpetually 
strained to a high 
pitch of intensity 
by, the action of 
the Alabama and 
other cruisers of 
the same type in 
the Confederate 
service. These 
were vessels con- 
structed in British 
dockyards, which 
sailed from British 
ports, professedly 
on harmless voy- 
ages, but with the 
actual intent of political riots in hyde park 

being handed over "^^e defeat of the Reform Bill in 1866 gave rise to a considerable amount of feeling in the 

')t «;omp annnintpH country. A mass meeting in favour of reform was shut out of Hyde Park, and as a protest, 

^^ „ the mob broke down the railings, "thereby convincing most of those who had hitherto 

JpOl to l^yOn- been incredulous that the demand for the franchise was not a mere demagogic figment." 

federate ofhcers. 

who proceeded to employ them for the 
destruction of the Federal mercantile 
marine. Since the British Government 
had failed to display sufficient vigilance in 
detaining such craft, notably the Alabama, 
they were regarded by the North as 


intervention would have decisively ter- 
minated the war in favour of the Con- 
federates. Nothing could have been more 
creditable to the labouring population of 
the United Kingdom than the dogged 
determination with which they supported 


the Government, from the conviction that 
the anti-slavery cause was the cause of 
righteousness, in spite of 
the terrible sufferings 
entailed by the cotton 
famine, resulting from 
the Northern blockade of 
the Southern ports. No 
nobler example of self- 
"restraint has been re- 
corded than that of the 
Lancashire operatives in 
those cruel times ; nor 
has the general public 
ever displayed its free- 
handed generosity more 
wisely and more gener- 
ously than in the efforts 
then made for the relief 
of the distress prevail- 
ing. The war was 
brought to an end with 
the complete success of 
the North, in the spring 
of 1865. In the summer, 
Parliament was dis- 
solved, having sat for six years, but no 
immediate effect was produced on the 

That came with the death 

octogenarian Premier in October. 

Successor to Wordsworth as Poet-Laureate, 
Tennyson remained until his death, in 1S92, 
the supreme English poet, challenged only by 
Browning, beside whom he sleeps in West- 
minster Abbey. In 1SS4 he received a peerage. 


of the 

The democratic move- 
ment, which had been 
held in check 1 y 
general consent until h s 
demise, at once became 
active. At the same lime, 
Irish disconient assumed 
a somewhat more 
threatening shape, owin^ 
to the formation of the 
" Fenian Brotherhood ' 
by the physical - force 
party, whose strength lay 
amongst the crowds of 
emigrants who had been 
driven to America, ar.d 
had there been learning 
practical lessons of war- 
fare in the ranks of 
Federal and Confederate 
armies alike. The Fenians 
set themselves to the 
secret organisation of 
armed rebellion ; and the 

detection of the conspiracy and arrest of 

its leaders revealed a state of affairs 

Discontent in Ir^and assumed a serious aspect towards the end of 1865, the formation of the " Fenian Brotherhood " 
by the physical-force party indicating the length to which the agitators were prepared to go. The Fenians set 
themselves to the secret organisation of armed rebe.lion, as well as opposing the authorities in England, the 
above picture showing an armed attack on the Manchester prison van for the liberation of Fenian prisoners. 



The largest vessel in existence when built in London in 1S54-7. the Great Eastern, proved of great service in layings 
the Atlantic cables in 1865, and recovered them, after being lost, in 1866; but the vessel was otherwise a failure. 

the picture by R. Dudley 

which induced the Government to go so 
far as to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act 
in Ireland. The Reform Act of 1832 had 
aboUshed the old system of rotten boroughs, 
which placed the control of half the 
constituencies in the country in the 
hands of a few families ; it 
had given representation 
to the great towns, which 
had grown up mainly in the 
course of the industrial 
revolution ; it had applied 
uniformity to the methods 
of election ; it had trans- 
ferred the preponderance 
of political power from 
the landed to the com- 
mercial interests ; inci- 
dentally it had trans- 
formed the House of 
Lords into a conserva- 
tive organisation. But its 
high franchise had still 
completely excluded the 
labouring classes from the 
electorate. For a time, 
those classes had shown 
signs of a tendency to 
'oelieve that the vote 
would be a panacea for 
all ills, but the wave of industrial pro- 
sperity which attended the repeal of the 
Corn Laws, and the development of Free 
Trade, removed the more pressing incite- 
ments to the demand for political power ; 


and Gladstone, now a convinced advocate 
of franchise extension, regarded it mainly 
as a measure of justice to which it would 
be wise to give effect while it was still not 
the subject of political passion. At the 
general election Disraeli had made it 
■ plain that the question 
would be forced to the 
front ; and accordingly 
Lord Russell, Palmerston's 
successor in office, intro- 
duced a Reform Bill. Its 
:,i^-. moderation, however — it 
'^ would have added less 

than half a million voters 
to the electorate — pre- 
vented it from exciting 
enthusiasm, and did not 
prevent it from exciting 
the determined opposition 
of the anti - democratic 

One of the two great poets of the Victorian 
era. Browning enriched our literature with 
poetic thought of enduring value, his crown- 
ing achievement, the " Ring and the Book," 
appearing in 1869. In ls46 ^- --■■-■■■"' 

of the Liberal 
who formed the 
" Cave of Adul- 
The Adullamites, 
in conjunction with the 
Conservatives, all but 
defeated the Bill on Ihe 
second reading ; when 

„r^ » ... -- he married 

Elizabeth Barrett, also a poet of genms. they Carried an amend 
ment against the Government in Com- 
mittee, the Ministry resigned. For the 
third time the Conservatives took office, 
with Lord Derby as their chief and Disraeli 
as their leader, while the party itself formed 



a minority in the House of Commons. 
The defeat of the Liberal Bill roused a 
fervour in the country which had not 
attended its introduction. A mass meet- 
ing in favour of reform was shut out of 
Hyde Park, whereupon the mob broke 
down the raihngs, thereby convincing 
most of those who had hitherto been 
incredulous that the demand 
for the franchise was not a 

The Reform 

„ . . mere demagogic figment. The 
impression thus produced was 
confirmed by a series of demonstrations 
during the? latter part of 1866, and a Re- 
form Bill was announced as a part of 
Disraeli's programme for 1867. 

His first intention of proceeding by 
resolution — that is, by obtaining the 
assent of the House to a series of principles 
on which the actual Bill was then to be 
constructed — was abandoned ; the Cabinet 
was split on the moderate Bill which 
Disraeli then proposed to introduce, and 
the secession of Lord Cranborne (after- 
wards Lord Salisbury) and others decided 
Disraeli to adopt a much more audacious 
scheme which would capture support from 
the Opposition. He had hoped to be 
able to introduce sundry " fancy fran- 
chises," and other securities to prevent a 
complete subversion of the balance of 
])olitical power, but it soon became clear 
that if the Bill was to pass the Govern- 
ment would have to accede with very little 
reservation to the amendments demanded 
by the Liberals. The result was that in 
the boroughs the franchise was granted 
to all householders and to ten-pound 
lodgers, with a twelve-pound occupation 
franchise in the counties ; the " fancy 
franchises " disappeared. The Act, in- 
deed, went very much further than the 
Liberal leaders had proposed to go in their 
own Bill ; it definitely transformed the 
House of Commons into a democratic 
body, though the change had still to be 
completed by the assimilation of the 

_. ,. county franchise to that of the 
Uisraeli at , ■ 1 t-i 

„ . boroughs. 1 he same year was 

f h' P rendered notable in the colonial 

history of the Empire by the 
British North America Act, which even- 
tually united the British Colonies in 
North America, with the exception of 
Newfoundland, in the federation which 
bears the name of the Dominion of 
Canada. The condikct of King Theodore 
of Abyssinia, who thought himself justified 
in seizing a number of British subjects, 


confining them at Magdala, and refusing 
to pay any attention to representations 
demanding their liberation, necessitated 
the completely successful Abyssinian ex- 
pedition, under the command of Lord 
Napier, in the spring of the following 
year, 1868. By this time Lord Derby had 
withdrawn, leaving Disraeli, long the actual 
chief of the party, as its avowed head. 

Renewed Fenian disturbances empha- 
sised the unsatisfactory condition of Ire-- 
land, which was destined to occupy an 
exceedingly prominent position in the 
domestic politics of the succeeding period. 
In June it was clear that the Ministry was 
practically powerless in the face of the 
Opposition, and in the autumn Disraeli 
appealed to the new electorate. The result 
was that the first democratic Parliament 
of the United Kingdom returned the 
Liberals to power under Gladstone's 
leadership, with a decisive majority. In 
English history the inauguration of de- 
mocracy forms an epoch, which we must 
respect for clearness sake as a dividing 
line ; but as the dividing line in Conti- 
nental history is drawn by the German 
- overthrow of France and the 

I ^. .i^*"! . establishment of the German 
Intellectual t- • j j.\ r> ■ 

„ ^ Empire under the Prussian 

Movements , ^ i . 

hegemony, we may here note 

that Great Britain abstained from taking 
any active part in those important events, 
industrial movements are dealt with in 
a separate section. But in the intellec- 
tual movement of the period now under 
review we have to note the succession to 
Wordsworth as Poet Laureate of Alfred 
Tennyson, who held his supreme position 
unchallenged for the rest of his life, save 
in the eyes of those who recognised a 
still mightier genius in Robert Browning, 
whose crowning achievement, the " Ring 
and the Book," appeared in 1869. But 
the world at large was more deeply affected 
by another inffuence which had its birth 
in England. Simultaneously, Charles 
Darwin and Alfred Russel Wallace de- 
veloped their conception, which will al- 
ways be associated with the name of the 
former, of the evolution of species. That 
conception filled the minds of the orthodox 
with alarm, and called for an almost 
fundamental readjustment of ideas on the 
relations between " Nature, Man, and 
God," which a later generation has found 
to be in nowise subversive of the essential 
doctrines of Christianity. 

Arthur D. Innes 








'T'HE year of revolutions, 1848, which 
^ shook Western Europe with its con- 
ceptions of freedom, had left Turkey almost 
untouched. Shekib Effendi held a formal 
conference with Pope Pius IX., in 
Rome in 1848, under commission from the 
Sultan, who would have been glad to 
hand over to the Pope the protectorate 
of the CathoUcs in the East ; the Holy 
Father had sent out the Archbishop 
Ferrieri with an appeal to the Oriental 
communities, which, however, did not end 
in that union which the Porte and the 
Pope had hoped for. 

The revolt of the Boyars and of the 
Polish fugitives in Moldavia and Wallachia 
speedily resulted in the strengthening 
of the hospodar Michael Sturdza, and 
in the appointment of Kantakuzen in 
place of Bibeskos. The Hungarian rising, 
on which the Porte had staked its hopes 
for the infliction of a blow on Austria, 

came to nothing, on the capitu- 
ofthc lation of Vilagos. On the other 

^ ^. ,. hand, the Sultan, encouraged 
Catholics ^ .u t -o ?■ \ 

by the presence of a British 

fleet in the Dardanelles, declined to 
hand over the Hungarian fugitives. 

Austria and Hungary thereupon 
avenged themselves by taking advantage 
of a claim for damages which France had 
now set up. Two parties, the Cathohcs 
and the Greeks, were quarrelling about the 
Holy Places in Palestine. The powers 
protecting the Catholics were invariably 
France or the Pope, while the Greeks had 
been under a Russian protectorate since 
1720. It was to deliver these Holy 
Places from the hands of the Moslems 
that the Crusades had been undertaken. 
Saladin had permitted the Latin clergy 
to perform service in the Church of the 
Holy Sepulchre in 1187, while Robert of 
Anjou had purchased the Holy Places 
from the caliph in 1342. 

After the conquest of the Holy City by 
Sultan Selim, 1517, the Georgians secured 
part of Golgotha, all the other remaining 

places being reserved expressly to the Sultan 
in 1558. The title was further confiimed by 
the capitulations of France with the Sul- 
tans in 1535, 1621, 1629, and 1740. Violent 
outbreaks of jealousy took place between 
the Armenians, Greeks, and Catholics 
concerning these marks of 
The Ho y favour and especially concern- 
. ^'*".*^ ""^ ing the possession of the Holy 
m Dispute ggp^j^^j^^-g In 1808 the Greeks, 

after the Church of the Holy Sepulchre 
had been destroyed by fire, actually 
reduced the tombs of Godfrey of Bouillon 
and Baldwin to ruins. The Greeks, 
aided by Russian money, restored the 
Church of the Holy Sepulchre ; mean- 
while the Latins, whose zeal was sup- 
ported by France, gained possession of 
two chapels in 1820. 

In the year 1850 the Pope and the 
Catholic Patriarch of Jerusalem applied 
first to France, and joined France in a 
further application to the Porte, to secure 
protection against the Greeks. Fear of 
Russia induced the Porte to decide almost 
entirely in favour of the Greeks, and the 
only concession made to the Catholics was 
the joint use of a church door in Bethlehem. 
In the realm of the blind the one-eyed 
man is king ; above the reactionary 
governments rose the " saviour of order/' 
who had been carried to the throne of 
France by the Revolution. The presiden- 
tial chair, which had gained security and 
permanence from the coup d'etat of 
December 2nd, 1851, was made a new 
imperial throne within the space of a year 
by the adroit and not wholly untalented 
heir to the great name of Bona- 
parte. On January 14th, 1852, 
he had brought out a constitu ■ 
tion to give France a breathing 
space, exhausted as she was by the pas- 
sionate struggle for freedom, and to soothe 
the extravagance of her imaginings. But 
this constitution needed a monarchy to 
complete it. The basis of a national im- 
perial government was there in detail : a 


A New 
Throne in 


Napoleon IIL 
of France 

legislativ^e body elected by national suff- 
rage ; a senate to guarantee the constitu- 
tional legality of legislation ; an " appeal 
to the people " on every proposal which 
could be construed as an alteration of the 
constitution ; a strong and wise executive 
to conduct state business, 
whose " resolutions "were 
examined in camera, under- 
taking the preparation and 
execution of everything which could con- 
duce to the Vv'elfare of the people. 

The twelve million francs which 
the energetic senate had voted as the 
president's yearly income might equally 
well be applied to the maintenance 
of an emperor. When the question was 
brought forward, the country replied with 
7,840,000 votes in the 
affirmative, while 254,000 
dissentients appeared 
merely as a protest on be- 
half of the right of indepen- 
dent judgment. On Decem- 
ber 2nd, 1852, Napoleon III. 
was added to the number 
of crowned heads in Europe 
as Emperor of France by 
the grace of God and the 
will of the people. No 
Power attempted to refuse 
recognition of his position. 
The democratic origin of 
the new ruler was forgotten 
in view of his services in 
the struggle against the 
Revolution, and in view 

pleasing the Parisians, but also of 
fixing their attention and of raising 
their spirits by a never-ending series 
of fresh devices. No woman was ever 
better fitted to be a queen of fashion, 
and fashion has always been venerated 
as a goddess by the French. 

Nothing but a brilliant foreign policy 
was now lacking to secure the permanence 
of the Second Empire. It was not enough 
that Napoleon should be tolerated by his 
fellow sovereigns ; prestige was essential 
to him. There was no surer road to the 
hearts of his subjects than that of making 
himself a power whose favour the other 
states of Europe would be ready to sohcit. 
For this end it would have been the most 
natural pnlicv to interest himself in the 
. I flairs of Italy, considering 
that he had old connections 
with the Carbonari, with 
]\Iazzini, and with Gari- 
l>aldi. But it so happened 
that the Tsar Nicholas was 
obliging enough at this 
juncture to furnish the heir 
of Bonaparte with a 
plausible pretext for inter- 
fering in the affairs of 
Eastern Europe. Napoleon 
III. cannot be regarded as 
primarily responsible for 
the differences which arose 
in 1853 between Britain 
and Russia. But there can 
be no doubt that he seized 

PRINCE MENSCHiKOFF the opportunity afforded 
also of the respect he had He was in charge of the Russian forces ^^y ^]^g quarrel of these 

1 r J i- t at the battles of the Alma and Inkerman, . -n j i • j 

shown for considerations of ,„d also took part in the defence of Sebas: two Powcrs and hurried 
religion and armed force, topoi, but. in consequence of iiiness, he the British Government into 
Unfortunately the new was recalled in isso and died in 1S69. an aggressive line of policy 
monarch could not gain time to con- which, however welcome to the electorates 
vince other Powers of his equality with of British constituencies was viewed with 

themselves. The old reigning houses were 
not as yet sufficiently intimate with him 
to seek a permanent union through a 
marriage alliance ; yet he was bound to 
give France and himself an heir, for a 
throne without heirs speedily becomes 
uninteresting. Born on April 20th, 1808, 
he was nearly forty-five years of age, and 
dared not risk the failure of a courtship 
which might expose him to the general 
sympathy or ridicule. Without delay he 
therefore married, on.January ^gth, 1853, 
the beautiful. Countess Eugenie of Teba, 
of the noble Spanish House of Guzman, 
who was then twenty-six years of age. 
She was eminently capable, not only of 


misgiving by many British statesmen, and 

was destined to be of little advantage to 

any power but the Second Empire. 

The Tsar Nicholas had for a long time 

past regarded the partition of the Turkish 

Empire in favour of Russia as a step for 

^. _ , which the European situation 

The Tsar s n ■. j 

was now ripe. Britain and 

_ , Austria were the Powers whose 
on Turkey . , ^ ^ u • 1 

interests were most obviously 

threatened by such a scheme. But he 
thought that Austria could be disre- 
garded if the assent .of Britain was 
secured ; and as early as 1844 he had 
sounded the British Government, suggest- 
ing that, in the event of partition, an 


understanding between that Power and 
Russia might be formulated with equal 
advantage to both. His overtures had 
met with no definite reply ; but he appears 
to have assumed that Britain would not 
stand in his way. It was not till 1854. 

was increased by the annoyance which 
Napoleon felt at the arrogant demeanour 
of the Russian court towards himself. 

But Napoleon, busied as he was at 
the moment with preparing for the 
re-establishment of the empire, could not 
afford to push his 
resistance to ex- 
tremes, and it 
would have been 
the wisest course 
^ for Nicholas to 

make sure of .the 
prey which he had 
m view by occupy- 
ing the Danube 
principalities in 
force, before 
Austria and Prus- 
sia had finished 
quarrelling over 
the question of 
federal reforms. 
The fact was that 
the development 
of his plans was 
checked for a 
moment by the 
vmexpected sub- 
missiveness of the 
Sublime Porte, 
when it agreed to 
guarantee the 
Greek Christians 
of the Holy Land 
in the possession of 
the coveted privi- 
leges. New pre- 
texts for aggres- 
sion were, how- 
ever, very easily 
discovered ; and 
on May nth, 1853, 
Prince Menschikoff 
despatched an ulti- 
matum, demand- 
ing for Russia a 
protectorate over 
the fourteen 
millions of Greek 
Christians who in- 


In 1S08 the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, one of the shrines which the ponntrics Under 

Crusaders had endeavoured to wrest from the hands of the Mohammedans, was destroyed r^ . c u 

by fire, and the Greeks, with the aid of Russian money, had the sanctuary restored. TurklSll rulC. bUO- 

mission to such a demand was equivalent 
to accepting a partition of the Turkish 

however, that, feeling secure from further 
insurrections in Poland, he unmasked his 
batteries against the Porte. The tempta- 
tion to reassert the French protectorate 
over the Latin Christians of the East 

dominions between Russia and the Sultan. 
Even without allies the Sultan might be 
expected to make a stand ; and allies were 




forthcoming. Though Napoleon had been 
first in the field against Russia, it was 
h-om Great Britain that Abd ul-Mejid 
now received the strongest encourage- 
ment. Some months before the ultima- 
tum Nicholas had con- 
fessed his cherished object 
to the British ambassa- 
dor ; and though the 
shock of this disclosure 
had been tempered by a 
proposal that Britain 
should take Egypt and 
Crete as her share of the 
spoil, the British Govern- 
ment was clear that, in 
one way or another, the 
integrity of the Turkish 
Empire must be secured. 
Lord Stratford de 
Redcliffe, the British 
representative at Con- 
stantinople, advised that 
no concession whatever 
should be made to Russia. 
The advice was taken. 
Although the Tsar had 
probably not counted 
upon war as a serious 
probabilitv, nothing now 
remained but to face the ^, Alexander ii. of Russia Hungarian rebelhon. No 

- , . The son of Tsar Nicholas I., he succeeded to ■, .„„j„ ^„ V,;^ 

consequences of his pre- the throne of Russia on March ind, 1S55. advaucc was made on his 
cipitation, to recall his The emancipation of 23,000,000 serfs in 1S61, part towards an under- 
ambassador and to send chiefly due to the Tsar's own efiforts, was the standing with Austria 

his troops into the Danube Srreatest achievement of Alexanders reign, ^^^^-j ^^^ ^^^ WeStem 

the restoration of the rights of Russia.'' 
Unprejiarcd as he was, he had every 
prospect of success if he could secure the 
co-operation of Austria. Had these two 
Powers agreed to deliver a joint attack 
upon Turkey, inducing 
Prussia, by means of 
suitable concessions, to 
protect their rear, the 
fleets of the Western 
Powers could not have 
saved Constantinople, 
and their armies would 
certainly not have' ven- 
tured to take the field 
against the combined 
forces of the two Eastern 
emperors. But the Tsar 
overrated his own powers 
and underrated the 
capacity of the Sultan for 
resistance. All that 
Nicho'^as desired from 
Austria was neutraUty ; 
and this he thought that 
he might confidently 
expect after the signal 
service which Russian 
armies had rendered in 
the suppression of the 

principalities. They were invaded on July 
2nd, 1853, the Tsar protesting " that it 
was not his intention to commence war, 
but to have "such security as would ensure 

Powers had appeared on the scene. This 
happened immediately after the Black 
Sea squadron af the Turkish fleet had. 
been destroyed in the harbour of Sinope by 




Admiral Nakimoff on November 30th, 1853. 
The allied French and British fleets had 
been in the Bosphoms for a month past 
with the object of protecting Constanti- 
nople ; now, at the suggestion of Napoleon, 
they entered the Black Sea in January, 
1854. At this juncture Prince Orloff was 
despatched to Vienna, without authority 
. , to offer any concessions, but 
R^h'n ^ iTi<^i't^ly to appeal to Austrian 

. ^J* . gratitude. It would have needed 
to Russia "^ , . J- 1 , 

a statesman 01 unusual penetra- 
tion to grasp the fact that Austrian in- 
terests would really be served by a friendly 
response to this dilatory and unskilfully 
managed application ; and such a states- 
man was not to be found at the Hofburg. 
Schwarzenberg had died very suddenly on 
April 5th, 1852, and his mantle had fallen 
upon the shoulders of Count Buol, who 
had no qualifications for his responsible 
position beyond rigid orthodoxy and 
some small experience acquired in a 
subordinate capacity during the brief 
ministry of Schwarzenberg. Buol con- 
firmed his master, Francis Joseph, in the 
erroneous idea that the interests of 
Austria and Russia in the East were dia- 
metrically opposed. Accordingly, Prince 
Orloff was rebuffed, and Austria sup- 
ported a demand for the evacuation of 
the Danubian principalities issued by the 
Western Powers on February 27th, 1854. 
France and Britain were encouraged 
by this measure of Austrian support 
to conclude a defensive treaty with 
the Sultan on March 12th and to 
declare war on Russia on March 27th. In 
the first stages of hostilities they had the 
support of the Austrian forces. Austria 
accepted from Turkey a formal commis- 
sion to hold the Danube principalities 
during the course of the war, and co- 
operated with a Turkish army in compelling 
the Russian troops to withdraw. And on 
August 8th, Austria joined with France 
and Britain in demanding that Russia 

„ . T» • should abandon her protec- 
Kussia Rejects , , o • j ^i 

,, _ . torate over Servia and the 

the Demands i-. , • t, • 

, .. „ Danubian prmcipalities, 

of the rowers , 1,11 r • , • 

should allow tree navigation 
of the Danube, sliould submit to a re- 
vision of the "Convention of the Straits" 
of July, 1841, in the interests of the 
balance of power, and should renounce 
the claim to a protectorate over the 
< ireek Christians of the Turkish dominions. 
When these demands were rejected by 
Russia, and the war passed into its second 


stage, with France and Britain acting on 
the offensive in order to provide for the 
})eace of the future by crippling Russian 
power in the East, it might have been 
expected that Austria would go on as she 
had begun. But at this point a fifth 
power made its influence felt in the already 
complicated situation. Frederic William 
IV. did not go to the lengths advised by 
Bismarck, who proposed that Prussia 
should restore peace by concentrating an 
army on the Silesian frontier, and threaten- 
ing to attack whichever of the two neigh- 
bouring empires should refuse a peaceful 
settlement. But the King of Prussia was 
by no means inclined to make capital out 
of Russian necessities, and turned a deaf 
ear to the suggestions of Austria for an 
armed coalition against the Tsar. The 
result was that Austria, though she con- 
cluded, in December, 1854, ^^ offensive 
alliance with France and Britain, did not 
take part in the Crimean War, the opera- 
tions of which have already been described. 
The Tsar Nicholas died, worn out with 
chagrin and anxiety, on March 2nd, 1855. 
His policy had cost Russia a loss which 

^ . , was officially calculated at 
Death of „ -^ j << /- ^ 

,. ^ 240,000 men ; and Generals 

j^. . . January and February ' had 
treated him even more severely 
than the allied force which he had expected 
them to annihilate. Negotiations were 
opened by his son Alexander II., who 
declined, however, to limit the Russian 
fleet in the Black Sea. The allies, there- 
fore, proceeded with the attack upon 
Sebastopol ; and after a third unsuccessful 
attack upon their position in the battle of 
the Tchernaya, August i6th, 1855, the 
Russians were compelled, by a fearful 
cannonade and the loss of the Malakoff, 
September 8th, which was stormed by , 
the French in the face of an appalling fire, 
to evacuate the cit5^ The capture of the 
Armenian fortress of Kars by General 
Muravieff in November enabled the Rus- 
sians to claim more moderate terms of 
peace than would otherwise have been 
possible. On February 6th, 1856, a 
congress opened at Paris to settle the 
Eastern question, and peace was signed 
on March 30th of the same year. 

By the terms of the Peace of Paris, the 
Black Sea was declared neutral and open 
to the merchant ships of every nation. 
It was to be closed against the warships of 
all nations, except that Russia and Turkey 
were permitted to equij) not more than 


ten light vessels apiece for coastguard 
servnce, and that any state interested in 
the navigation of the Danube might 
station two light vessels at the mouth of 
that river. The integrity of Turkey was 
guaranteed by the Pow'ers, all of whom 
renounced the right of inter- 
fering in the internal affairs 
of that state, nothing beyond 
certain promises of reforms 
being demanded from the 
Sultan in return for these 
favours. For the regulation 
of the navigation of the 
Danube a standing commis- 
sion of the interested Powers 
was appointed. Moldavia and 
Wallachia were left in depend- 
ence on the Sultan, but with 
complete autonomy so far as 
their internal administration 
was concerned. They were 

Suez, by way of Cairo ; shortly afterwards 
the Suez Canal was begim. In Turkey 
itself new roads were built, harbours 
constructed, the postal service improved, 
and telegraph lines erected, especially 
after the events in Jidda and Lebanon 
in 1858-1860. The dark 
side of this onward move- 
ment was the shattered 
condition of the finances. 
The financial embarrass- 
ments of the Porte had 
been steadily inci-easing since 
1848. At that date there was 
no foreign national debt : 
there were about 200 millions 
of small coin in circulation, 
with an intrinsic value of 23^ 
per cent, of their face value. 
There was a large amount of 
uncontrolled and uncon- 
trollable paper money, covered 


to pay a tribute, and their Prince of Servia, he was driven out by uo reservc in bullion, and 

foreign relations were to be ^ybs%qu\^nSre"caUedTnda"4rTis there were heavy arrears in 

controlled by the Porte, death, m j^seo, his son Michael the way of salaries and army 

Moldavia recovered that part "" acknowledged by the Porte, 

of Bessarabia which had been taken Crimean 
from her by Russia, and in this way the 
latter Power was pushed back from the 

In Asia Minor the action of France and 
England restored the frontier to tlie status 
quo ante. Turkey, henceforward received 
into the concert of Europe, promised further 
reforms in th 

Hatti - humayun 
of February 
i8th, 1856, and 
reaffirmed the 
civic equality of 
all her subjects. 
The " hat " was 
received witli 
equal reluctance 
by both Otto- 
mans and Chris- 
tians. Only since 
1867 have 
foreigners been 
able to secure 
a footing in 
Turkey. If any 
advance has 
been made since these paper promises, it 
is due not to the imperial firman but to 
the increase of international communica- 
tion, which brought the light of civilisation 
to the very interior of Asia. In 1851 the 
first railway was built from Alexandria to 


Becoming sultan on the death of his brother, Abd ul-Mejid, in H(il, 
Abdul-Aziz found himself confronted by difficult tasks, and for ten 
years was guided by two very distinguished men, Fuad and Ali Pasha. 

payments. During the 
War, apart from an enormous 
debt at home, a loan of £7,000,000 
had been secured in England. Three 
further loans . were effected in 1858, 
i860, and 1861. Expenditure rose, in 
consequence of the high rate of inte- 
rest, to ;£i4. 000,000 annually, while the 
revenue amounted to /q, 000,000 only. 
In 1 86 1 the 
tinancial strain 
brought about a 
c o m m e r c i a I 
crisis; an attempt 
was made to 
meet the danger 
by the issue of 
1.250 millions of 
piastres in paper 
m o n e y, w i t h 
forced circula- 
tion, W h i 1 e 
the upper 
officials, bank 
managers, and 
contractors, such 
as L a n g 1 a n d- 
Eugene Bontoux, and Moritz Hirsch were 
growing rich, the provinces were im- 
poverished by the weight of taxation 
and the unnecessary severity with which 
the taxes were collected. The concert of 
Europe had iguaranteed the first state loan. 




Rise to 

Hence in 1882 originated the international 
administration of the Turkish public 
debt ; and this became the basis of the 
claim for a general supervision of Turkish 
affairs by Western Europe, which was 
afterwards advanced in the case of 
Armenia and Crete. 

The Porte was thus unable to prevent 

the appointment of Colonel Alexander 

. , Johann Cusa, at the instance of 

RoumaDia s y^^^^^^ ^^ pi-i^ce of Moldavia 

on January 29th and of Walla- 
chia on February 17th ; the 
personal bond of union thus established 
between these vassal states resulted in 
their actual union as Roumania in 1861. 
Cusa's despotic rule was overthrown on 
February 22nd, 1866, and under the new 
prince, Charles of Hohenzollern. the 
country enjoyed a rapid rise to prosperity. 
although the political in- 
capacity of the people, 
the licence granted by 
the constitution, and the 
immorality of the upper 
classes did not conduce 
to general ordei . In Ser- 
via the Sultan's creature. 
Alexander Karageorgc- 
vitch, was forced to abdi- 
cate on December 21st- 
22nd, 1858, the family of 
Obrenovitch was recalled. 
and after the death of Milos 
at the age of eighty, on 
September 26th, i860, 
Michael Obrenovitch II. 
was elected and acknow- 

and French consuls at Jidda, in Arabia, 
and in i860 the atrocities of the Druses 
against the Christians in Lebanon and 
Damascus. To anticipate the interference 
of the Powers, the Grand Vizir, Fuad 
Pasha, one of the greatest statesmen that 
Turkey has produced in the nineteenth 
century, was sent to the spot with un- 
limited powers ; but it was not until a 
French army of occupation appeared that 
the leaders in high places were brought 
to punishment, and the province of 
Lebanon was placed under a Christian 
governor. The chief service performed by 
Fuad was that of introducing the vilayet 
constitution, the division of the Ottoman 
Empire into sanjaks and kasas, by which 
means he had already produced great 
effects on the Danube provinces. Had it 

not l^een tor 

the opposition of the whole 
company of the Old Turks, 
the imams, mollas, miite- 
velis, hojas, the dervishes, 
and softas, in the mosques, 
the schools, the monasteries, 
and also the ccffee-houses. 
he would possibly have 
succeeded in cleansing the 
great Augean stable of 
Arabic slothlulness. 

Upon the death of Abd 
ul-Meiid. on June 26th, 
1861, his brother, the new 
ruler, Abd ul-Aziz, 1861- 
1876, was confronted by 
difficult tasks, and the ques- 
tion arose as to his capacity 
for dealing with them. The 


The despotic rule cf King Otto led, to 
his deposition, and in lsG3 a new king 

ledged by the Porte. Undei r^'sorof^he^K^^rof °DenmaA' good-natured Abd ul-Mejid 
the revolutionary and From an eariy pi.otograph had generally allowed his 

literary government of the " Omladina," Grand Vizirs to govern on his behalf, but 

" youth," Servia became the scene of 
Panslavonic movements, hostile to Hun- 
gary, which spread to the soil of Bosnia 
and Herzegovina, and even endangered 
the absolute monarchy of Michael. 

On March 6th, 1867, the last Turkish 
troops were withdrawn from Servian soil, 
in accordance w'th the agreements of Sep- 
tember 4th, 1862, and March 3rd, 1867. 
After the murder of the prince, on June 
loth, 1868, the Skupshtina appointed the 
last surviving Obrenovitch, Prince Milan, 
then fourteen years of age, and passed the 
new constitution on June 29th, 1869. 
An additional consequence was that 
Turkey became again involved in disputes 
with the Western Powers ; in 1858 the 
occasion was the murder o^ the British 



of the 

New Sultac 

after 1858, when the royal privy exchequer 
had been declarjed bankrupt, he relapsed 
into indolence and weak sensuality. Not- 
withstanding the shattered state of the 
empire, his brother and successor, Abd ul- 
Aziz, promised a government of 
peace, of retrenchment, and 
reform. To the remote observer 
he appeared a character of 
proved strength, in the prime of life, and 
inspired with a high enthusiasm for his lofty 
calling. All these advantages, however, 
were paralysed by the criminal manner in 
which his education had been neglected. 
The ruler of almost forty millions of subjects 
was, at that time, scarcely able to write a 
couple of lines in his own language. The 
result was the failure of his first attempts 


to bring some order into the administra- 
tion and the finances, a failure which 
greatly discouraged him. Until 1871 he 
allowed himself to be guided by these two 
distinguished men, Fuad and Ali Pasha ; 
at the same time his want of firmness and 
insight, his nerv'ous excitabilit}', which 
often made him unaccountable for his 
actions, and his senseless and continually 
increasing extravagance led him, not only 
to the arms of Ignatieff, " the father of 
lies," but also to his own destruction. 

In the commercial treaties of 1861-1862 
gunpowder, salt, and tobacco had been 
excepted from the general, remission of 
duties. The salt tax, which was shortly 
afterwards revived, was a lamentable 
mistake. Sheep farmers suffered terribly 
under it, for the lack of salt produced 
fresh epidemics every year among the 
flocks and destroyed the woollen trade and 
the manufacture of carpets. The culture of 
the olive and tobacco also suffered under 
the new imposts, while internal trade was 
hindered by octroi duties of every kind. 
To these difhculties military 

'!!'' t^k"^ and political comphcations 
on the Throne jj j t- • h j 

,_ were added. Especially dan- 

of Greece , , 1 , ■ "^ . 

gerous was the revolt m Crete, 

in the spring of 1866 ; in 1863 Greece had 

expelled the Bavarian prince and chosen 

a new king, George I., formerly Prince 

Wilhelm of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonder- 

burg-Gliicksburg, and had received the 

sev' en Ionian Islands from England in 1864 ; 

she now supported her Cretan brothers 

and co-religionists with money, armies, 

troops, and ships, notwithstanding the 

deplorable condition of her own finances. 

Only when an ultimatum had been sent 

to Greece did the Porte succeed in crushing 

this costly revolt under pressure from 

a conference of the Powers in i86g. 

Meanwhile, Ismail Pasha of Egypt had 

received, in 1866 and 1867, the title of 

" Khedive" and the right to the direct 

succession. Undisturbed by English 

jealousy, the " viceroy " continued the 

projects of his predecessor, especially the 

construction of the Suez Canal, which had 

been begun by Lesseps ; he increased his 

army, built warships, appointed his own 

Minister of Foreign Affairs in the person 

of the Armenian Nubar Pasha, travelled in 

Europe, and invited the courts of several 
states to a brilliant opening of the panal 
in 1869 ; by means of a personal visit to 
Constantinople, by large presents and an 
increase of tribute, he further secured in 
1873 the sovereignty which he had assumed. 
In the summer of 1867 the Sultan 
appeared in Western Europe accompanied 
TL r- J by Fuad ; it was the first occa- 
Tour of ^^^^ ^^ Ottoman history that 
.. e ,, a sultan had passed the fron- 
thc Sultan. ,. , , . - . ^ r ^, 

tiers ot his empire, not for the 

purpose of making conquests, but to secure 
the favour of his allies. He had already 
visited the Khedive in Egypt in 1863. 
Now he saw the World's Exhibition at 
Paris, and that of London in June, 1863. 
On July 24th he paid his respects to the 
King and Queen of Prussia at Coblentz 
and returned to Constantinople by way of 
Vienna on August 7th. The success of Fuad 
Pasha in inducing his master to take this 
step was a masterpiece of diplomacy 
and patriotism ; unfortunately, the 
journey, which had cost enormous sums, 
did not produce the hoped-for results. 

On February nth, 1869, Fuad died, as 
also did his noble friend and rival, Ali-, on 
September 6th, 1871 ; thereupon, simul- 
taneously with the fall of the Second Em- 
pire, Ottoman politics entered upon that 
path which for Napoleon III. began before 
the walls of Sebastopol and ended at 
Sedan. In place of the influence of the 
Western Powers the eagles of Russia and 
Prussia were heuceforward victorious on 
the Bosphorus. Upon his death-bed Fuad 
had written from Nizza on January 3rd, 
1869, to Sultan Abd ul-Aziz : " The rapid 
advance of our neighbours and the 
incredible mistakes of our forefathers 
have brought us into a dangerous position ; 
if the threatening collision is to 
Death-bed ^^ avoided, your Majesty must 

Warning of ^^.^,^j^ ^^^^j^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ j^.^^j 
Fuad Pasha ^,^^^. ^^^^^j^ ^^^ j^^^j^ ^^^j^^ „ 

The committee of officials which travelled 
through the provinces of the empire lu 
1864 expressed this thought even more 
bluntly : " The officials grow rich upon 
the taxes, while the people suffer, working 
like slaves under the whip. The income 
of the taxes is divided among the officials 
instead of flowing into the state exchequer." 










CpOR a short time, the diplomatic results 
^ of the Crimean war made Napoleon 
III. appear to be the most powerful ruler 
in Europe ; and he took upon himself 
the part of a second Metternich. He con- 
cealed his actual position and succeeded 
in inspiring Europe with a wholly un- 
founded belief in the strength of his 
country and himself. The World's Exhibi- 
.tion of 1855, and the congress which im- 
mediately followed, restored Paris to her 
former prestige as the centre of Europe. 
Pilgrims flocked to the city of pleasure 
and good taste, vipon the adornment of 
which the Prefect of the Seine, Georges 
Eugene Haussmann, was permitted to 
expend ^^^4, 000, 000 per annum. 

The sound governmental principle laid 
down by the first Napoleon, of keeping 
the fourth estate contented by high wages, 
and thus securing its good behaviour and 

, silent approval of an absolute 
Napoleon s t r n 1 ii, 

^ . , monarchy, was followed with 

w . . , entire success lor the "moment 
Mist ak c . ,, ,, , ,, 

m the restored empire. 

However, Napoleon IIT, like Metternich, 
was penetrated with the conviction that the 
ruler must of necessity be absolute. His 
greatest mistake consisted in the fact that 
he refrained from giving a material content 
to the constitutional forms under which 
his government was established. By this 
means he might have united to himself 
that section of the population which is not 
subject to the influence of caprice. 

The "legislative body" should have 
been made representative, and should have 
been given control of the finances and 
the right of initiating legislative proposals. 
Such a change would have been far more 
profitable to the heir who was born to 
the emperor on March i6th, 1856, than the 
illusory refinements which gained the 
Second Empire the exaggerated approba- 
tion of all the useless epicures in existence. 
Russia seemed to have been reduced to 

the War 

impotency for a long time to come, and 
her power to be now inferior to that of 
Turkey. She proceeded to accommodate 
herself to the changed conditions. Alex- 
ander IL assured his subjects that the 
war begun by his father had improved and 
secured the position of Christianity in 
the East, and proceeded with 
magnificent dispassionateness to 
make overtures to the French 
ruler, who had just given him so 
severe a lesson. The Russian politicians 
were correct in their opinion that Napoleon 
was relieved to have come so w:ell out 
of his enterprises in the East, and that 
they need fear no immediate disturbance 
from that quarter. 

Napoleon HL showed himself worthy 
of this confidence. With real diplomacy 
he met Russia half way, respected her 
desires whenever he could do so, and 
received a tacit assurance that Russia 
would place no obstacle in the way of his 
designs against any other Power. Though 
Austria had not fired a shot against 
the Russian troops, she proved far less 
accommodating than France, whose troo])s 
had triumphantly entered Sebastopoi. 
Austria had declined to repay the help 
given her in Hungary ; she had also 
appeared as a rival in the Balkans, and 
had only been restrained by Prussia from 
dealing Russia a fatal blow. Thus Austria's 
weakness would imply Russia's strength, 
and would enable her the more easily 
to pursue her Eastern policy. 
Prussia had fallen so low that 
no interference was to be feared 
from her in the event of any 
great European complication, though there 
was no immediate a])prehension of any 
such difficulty. In a fit of mental weak- 
ness which foreshadowed his ultimate 
collapse, Frederic William IV. had con- 
centrated his thoughts upon the possi- 
bility of recovering his principality of 



the Dust 




Neuenberg. Success was denied him. 
After the ill-timed attempt at revolution, 
set on foot by the Prussian party in that 
province on September 3rd, 1856, he was 
forced to renounce definitely all claim to 
the province on May 26th, 1857. The fact 
that the principality was of 
no value to Prussia did not 
remove the impression that 
the German state had again 
suffered a defeat. Napoleon 
was one of the few statesmen 
who estimated the power of 
Prussia at a higher rate than 
chd the majority of his con- 
temporaries ; in a conversation 
with Bismarck in March, 1857, 
he had already secured 
Prussia's neutrality in the 
event of a war in Italy, and 
had brought forward proposals 

was now necessary to apply the second 
fundamental principle of the Bonapartist 
rulers, to avoid any thorough investigation 
of internal difficulties by turning attention 
to foreign affairs, by assuming a command- 
ing position among the Great Powers, and 
by acquiring military fame 
when possible. Polignac had 
already made a similar at- 
tempt. He had failed through 
want of adroitness ; the 
capture of Algiers came too 
late to prevent the July 
Revolution. Napoleon did 
not propose to fail thus, a%i 
for once, at least, his at- 
tempt proved successful. 
Naturally the methods by 
which Ministers had begun 
war under the " old regime" 
were impossible for a popular 
emperor. Moreover, Napoleon 
III. was no soldier ; he could 

of more importance than the ^^^^^ cavour 

programme of the union. ^ Uberal statesman, he laboured 

With the incorporation of strenuously for the restoration of uot merely wave his sword, 

Hanover and Holstein a Italian nationality, and at last, like his great uncle, and 

northern sea-power was to '" isei he witnessed the sum- announce to Europe that 

injiLiicin :5<.<x pw>vv-i vvu... momngof an Italian Parliament. . . ,, , - ^ 

be founded strong enough, m this or that dynasty must 

alliance with France, to oppose England. 
All that he asked in return was a " small 
delimitation " of the Rhine frontier ; this, 
naturally, was not to affect the left bank, 
the possession of which would oblige France 
to extend her territory and would rouse a 
new coalition against her. Bismarck 
declined to consider any 
further projects in this 
direction, and sought to ex- 
tract an undertaking from the 
emperor that Prussia should 
not be involved in any great 
political combination. Great 
Britain's resources were 
strained to the utmost by 
conflicts with Persia and 
China, and by the outbreak of 
the Indian Mutiny, and she 
needed not only the goodwill 
but the friendly offices of 
France. • For these reasons 


be deposed. Principles must be follovv^ed 
out, modern ideas must be made trium- 
phant ; at the least, the subject nation 
must be made to believe that the individual 
was merely the imj^lement of the great 
forces of activity latent in peoples. He 
had turned constitutionalism to excellent 
account ; the struggles of the 
Liberal paity to obtain a 
share in the government had 
tnded by raising him to the 
throne. Another idea with 
^\'hich modern Europe was 
lully penetrated, that of 
nationahty, might now be 
exploited by an adroit states- 
man. Napoleon neither ex- 
aggerated nor underestimated 
its potency ; only he had not 
realised how deeply it was 
rooted in the hearts of the 
people. He knew that it was 

the Tory Ministrv, which He was twice Prime Minister of constautlv founded upon folly 
came into office in i858 upon akVe'^^^nt^'^^HeVV^^^^^ ^nd presumption, and that 

the fall of Palmerston, could each occasion, resigning: through the participation of the pcoplc 
not venture to disturb the ^^ °PP,"sition to Garibaldi. 
good understanding with Napoleon, how- 

ever strongl}^ inclined to this course. 
Napoleon was thus free to confront the 
apparently feasible task of increasing his 
influence in Europe and conciliating the 
goodwill of his subjects to the empire. It 


in the task of solving state 
problems fostered the theory that the 
concentration of the national strength was 
ever a more important matter than the 
maintenance of the state ; hence he 
inferred the value of the national idea as a 
means of opening the struggle against 



existing political institutions. But of its 

moral power he had no conception ; he 

never imagined that, in the fulness of time, 

it would become a constructive force 

capable of bending 

statecraft to its will. 

Here lay the cause of 

his tragic downfall — he 

was like the apprentice 

of some political 

magician, unable to 

dismiss the spirits 

whom he had evoked 

when they became 


His gaze had long 
been directed towards 
Italy ; the dreams of 
his youth returned upon 
him in new guise and 
lured him to make that 
country the scene of his 
exploits. It was, how- 
ever, in the East, which 
had already proved so 

destroyed Austria's hopes of extending 
her territory on the Black Sea, but also 
became a permanent cause of disturbance 
in her Eastern possessions, was now to 
justify its application in 
Italy. The attempt of 
the Italian. Orsini, and 
his three associates, who 
threw bombs at the 
imperial couple in Paris 
on January 14th, 1858, 
wounding both of them 
and 141 others, is said 
to have materially con- 
tributed to determine 
Napoleon's decision for 
the Italian war. He was 
intimidated by the 
weapons which the 
Nationalist and Radical 
party now began to 
employ, for Orsini in 
the very face of death 
appealed to him to help 
his oppressed fatherland, 
and it became manifest 

to NapO- The central figure in the battle for Italian independ 

eon's enterprises, that ^^lit^l'^^^^^e'Z^riL'l^l!^^^^ that this outrage was 
he was to make his first struggle tiii itaiy became a nation, with Victor merely the cxprcssion 

,, , , ■ , -, Emmanuel as her king, and then retiring to Caprera. ,• x- i -i. j. 

attempt to introduce ^ '^ of national excitement, 

the principle of nationality into the concert A similar state of tension existed in the 

Sardinian state, its dynasty and its 
leader. Count Camillo Cavour, who had 
been the Prime Minister of King Victor 
Emmanuel since November 4th, 1852. At 
first of moderate views, 
he had joined the 
Liberals under Urbano 
Rattazzi and Giovanni 
Lanza, and had entered 
into relations with the 
revolutionary party 
throughout the penin- 
sula. He had succeeded 
111 inspiring their leaders 
,/ with the conviction 
that the movement for 
Italian unity must pro- 
ceed from Piedmont. 
Vincenzo Gioberti, 
Daniel Manin, and 
Giuseppe Garibaldi 
adopted Cavour's pro- 

of Europe. Turkey was forced to recognise 
■;he rights of the Roumanian nation, of 
which she had hardly so much as heard 
when the question arose of the regulation 
of the government in 
the Danube principali- 
ties. She could offer no 
opposition when 
Moldavia and Wal- 
lachia, each of which 
could elect a hospodar 
tributary to the Sultan, 
united in their choice 
of one and the same 
personality. Colonel 
Alexander Johann Cusa, 
and appointed him their 
prince at the beginning 
of 1859 on January 29th 
and February 17th. 

By this date a new 
rising .of the kingdom 
of Sardinia against He ascended the throne of Sardinia in 1849, in gramme, and promised 

\ , • 11 1 1 succession to his father, and in J8()l he was ° ^ -r i i i 

Austria had ah'eady proclaimed King of Italy at Turin, reigning until SUpport if he WOUld 

been arranged for the ^is death, which occurred in January, i,s78. organise a new rising 



purpose of overthrowing the foreign 
government in Italy. The victorious 
progress of the national idea in the 
Danube principalities, which not only 


against Austria. Cavour, with the king's 
entire approval, now made this rising his 
primary object ; he was confident that 
Napoleon would not permit Austria to 





From the painting by Mcissoiiier in lli'- \ -uvre 

On June 24th, 1859, was fought the battle of Solferino, " one of the bloodiest conflicts of the century. " Three hundred 
thousand men, with nearly 8()(( guns, were opposed in the terrible fight, and while the French had no definite plan of 
action, the Austrian leaders were unable to avoid a series of blunders. Rarely, indeed, have troops been handled 
with so little generalship. In the battle, which ended in the defeat of the Austrians, no fewer than 12.000 Austrians 
and nearly 17.000 allies were killed or wounded, and 9,000 Austrian prisoners were taken, as against 1,200 Italians. 

From the painting by Jules Rigo in the Versailles Museum 


aggrandise herself by reducing Italy a 
second time. The Austrian Government 
played into his hands by declining to con- 
tinue the arrangements for introducing an 
entirely autonomous and 
national form of admini- 
stration into Lombardy 
and Venice, and by the 
severity with which the 
aristocratic participants 
in the Milan revolt of 
February 6th, 1853, were 
punished. Sardinia 
sheltered the fugitives, 
raised them to honour- 
able positions, and used 
every means to provoke 
a breach with Austria. 
The schemes of the House 
of Savoy and its adherents 
were discovered by the 
Viennese government, but 
too late ; they were too 


Sardinia at once began the task of mobili- 
sation, for which preparation had been 
already made by the construction of 250 
miles of railway lines. On January ist, 
1859, ^t the reception on 
New Year's Day, Napoleon 
plainly announced to the 
Austrian ambassador, 
Hiibner, his intention of 
helping the Italian cause. 
On January 17th, the 
community of interests 
between France and 
Sardinia was reaffirmed 
by the engagement of 
Prince Joseph Napoleon 
— ^Plon-Plon — 'Son of 
Jerome of Westphalia, to 
Clotilde, the daughter of 
Victor Emmanuel. Even 
then the war might have 
been avoided had Austria 
accepted British inter- 
^"- vention and the condition 

late in recognising that J"^ i^Mi-^KUK iN^^ui^nuiN im 

•J - °,. . Many improvements in internal administrativju , x i j- 

Lombardy and Venice- were carried out under Napoleon in., but the of mutual disarmament, 
must be reconciled to the emperor's policy was one of vacillation, and Napolcon dared not pro- 
Austrian supremacy by the story is told that Bismarck on one occasion y^j^e England, and in 

, . ,, ^ ■ i r n described him as "an undetected incapable." r ■, r- a 

relaxing the seventy of the 

military occupation. Too late, again, was 
the Archduke Maximilian, the enlightened 
and popular brother of the emperor, des- 
patched as viceroy to Milan, 
to concentrate and strengthen 
the Austrian party. Cavour 
gave the Lombards no rest ; 
by means of the national union 
he spread the fire throughout 
[taly, and continually incited 
the Press against Austria. 
The Austrian Government was 
^^oon forced to recall its am- 
bassador from Turin, and 
Piedmont at once made the 
counter move. 

In July, 1858, Napoleon 
cam.e to an agreement with 
Cavour at Plombieres ; France 
was to receive Savoy if 
Sardinia acquired Lombardy 
and Venice, while the county 

of Nizza was to be the price Joseph napoleon 
of the annexation of Parma 7^^ =°" °!Jr°!^^ "i^."*!'!!','! 

formed Cavour on April 
2oth that it was advisable to fall in with 
the British proposals. But the Cabinet of 
Vienna had in the meantime been so ill-ad- 
vised as to send an ultimatum 
to Sardinia threatening an 
invasion within thirty days if 
Sardinia did not forthwith and 
unconditionally promise to 
disarm. This action was the 
more ill-timed, as Austria was 
herself by no means prepared 
to throw the whole of her 
forces into Italy. By accept- 
ing British intervention Cavour 
evaded the necessity of reply- 
ing to the ultimatum. France 
declared that the crossing of 
the Ticino by the Austrians 
would be regarded as a casus 
belli. The crossing was none 
the less effected on April 30th, 
1850. The war which then 
began brought no special 
honour to any of the com- 
batants, though it materially 

. -. . he married Clotilde, the daughter of 

and Modena. Ihe House of victor Emmanuel, thus strength- 
Savoy thus sacrificed its ening the community of interests altered the balance of power lu 
ancestral territories to gain "between France and Sardinia. Europe. In the first place, 

the paramountcy in Italy. The term 

'Italy" then implied a federal state 

which might include the Pope, the Grand 

Duke of Tuscany, and the King of Naples. 

the Austrian ai^my showed itself entirely 
unequal to the performance of its new 
tasks ; in respect of equipment it was far 
behind the times, and much of its innate 



capacity had disappeared since the cam- 
paigns of 1848 and 1849 ; leadership 
and administrative energy were alike 
sadly to seek. Half-trained and often 
wholly uneducated officers were placed in 
highly responsible positions. High birth, 
irrespective of capacity, was a passport to 
promotion ; a line presence and a kind 
^^ ■ ^ . of dandified indifference to 

The Austrian 1 i j j 

. ^ , knowledge and experience 

Army Corrupt ^ , j j.i 

. ; . , were more esteemed than 

and Incapable -.-, ■ . ^, 

any military virtues. Ihere 

was loud clashing of weapons, but general 
ignorance as to their proper use. The 
general staff was in an unusually benighted 
condition ; there were few competent men 
available, and these had no chance of 
employment unless they belonged to one 
of the groups and coteries which made the 
distribution of offices their special business. 
At the end of April, 1859, ^^^^ army in 
Italy amounted to little more than 100,000 
men, although Austria was said to have 
at command 520,000 infantry, 60,000 
cavalry, and 1,500 guns. The commander- 
in-chief. Count Franz Gyulay, was an 
honourable and fairly competent officer, 
but no general. His chief of the staff, 
Kuhnenfeld, had been sent to the seat 01 
war from his professorial chair in the 
military academy, and while he displayed 
the highest ingenuity in the invention of 
combinations, was unable to formulate or 
execute any definite plan of campaign. 

With his 100,000 troops Gyulay might 
easily have overpowered the 70,000 Pied- 
montese and Italian volunteers who had 
concentrated on the Po. The retreat from 
that position could hardly have been 
prevented even by the French generals 
and a division of French troops, which 
had arrived at Turin on April 26th, 
1859 '' however, the Austrian leaders were 
apprehensive of being outflanked on the Po 
by a disembarkation of the French troops 
at Genoa. Gyulay remained for a month 
in purposeless inaction in the Lomellina, 
the district between Ticino 
and Sesia ; it was not until 
May 23rd that he ventured 
upon a reconnaissance to 
Montebello, which produced no practical 
result. The conflict at Palestro on May 30tli 
deceived him as to Napoleon's real object ; 
the latter was following the suggestions 
of General Niel, and had resolved to 
march round the Austrian right wing. 
Garibaldi, with three or four thousand ill- 
armed guerrilla troops, had crossed the 


and Garibaldi 
in Battle 

Ticino at the south of Lake Maggiore. 
This route was followed by a division 
under General MacMahon, and Niel 
reached Novara on the day of Palestro 
and proceeded to threaten Gyulay's line 
of retreat, who accordingly retired behind 
the Ticino on June ist. He had learned 
nothing of MacMahon's movement on 
his left, and thought his right wing 
sufficiently covered by the division of 
Clam-Gallas, who was advancing from the 
Tyrol. The battle on the Naviglio followed 
on June 3rd, and Gyulay maintained 
his position with 50,000 men against 
the 58,000 under the immediate command 
of the Emperor Napoleon in person. 

MacMahon had crossed the Ticino at 
Turbigo, driven back Clam-Gallas, and 
found himself by evening on the Austrian 
left flank at Magenta on June 4th, 1859. 
Unable to rely on his subordinates for a 
continuance of the struggle, Gyulay aban- 
doned his position on the following day, 
evacuated Milan, and led his army to 
the Mincio. At this point the Emperor 
Francis Joseph assumed the command 
in person ; reinforcements to the number 

^i . .1. of 140,000 troops had arrived. 
The terrible , !, ■,■, ^ ■, 

_ together with reserve and oc- 

r c ir • cupation troops amounting to 
of Solferino ^ , , ^ w-.i, .? 

another 100,000. With these 

the emperor determined to advance again 
to the Chiese on the advice of General 
Riedkirchen, who presided over the council 
of war in association with the old quarter- 
master-general Hess. 

On June 24th they encountered the 
enemy advancing in five columns upon 
the Mincio, and to the surprise of the 
combatants the Battle of Solferino was 
begun, one of the bloodiest conflicts of 
the century, which ended in the retreat 
of the Austrians, notwithstanding the 
victory of Benedek over the Piedmontese 
on the right wing. Three hundred thou- 
sand men with nearly 800 guns were 
opposed on that day, and rarely have such 
large masses of troops been handled in 
an important battle with so little intelli- 
gence or generalship. The French had 
no definite plan of action, and might have 
been defeated without great difficulty 
had the Austrian leaders been able to 
avoid a similar series of blunders. The 
losses were very heavy on either side. 
Twelve thousand Austrians and nearly 
17,000 alhes were killed or wounded ; on 
the other hand, 9,000 Austrian prisoners 
were taken as against 1,200 Italians. 


From the painting hy Cassioli in the Palace of the Signory at Siena 


While the main battle was in progress at Solferino, other sections of the combatants were engag-ed in a pro- 
longed and deadly conflict near San Martino, and, ignorant of the fate which had overtaken the Austrian army, 
Benedek, who had twice repulsed the Sardinians, continued the struggle for several hours after the issue had been 
decided, retiring at last when a severe storm had broken out. This engagement was noteworthy for the conspicuous 
part taken in it by Marshal Niel, "who distingruished himself above all the other leaders on the French side." 
From the painting by Professor AdcmoUo in the Gallery of Modern P;untings at Florence 





The Emperor Napoleon had not yet 
brought the campaign to a successful 
<:onclusion ; his weakened army was now 
confronted by the " Quadrilateral " formed 
by the fortresses of Peschiera, Mantua. 
Verona, and Legnago, which 
was covered by 200,000 Aus- 
trians. Moreover, Austria 
could despatch reinforcements 
more rapidly and in greater 
numbers than France. Aus- 
trian sympathies were also 
very powerful in South 
Germany, and exerted so 
strong a pressure upon the 
German Federation and on 
Prussia that a movement 
might be expected at any 
moment from that direction. 
Frederic William IV. had 
retired from the government general 

neighbour's misfortunes ; he had even 
transferred Bismarck from Frankfort to St. 
Petersburg, to remove the influence upon 
the Federation of one who was an avowed 
opponent of Austrian paramountcy. But 
he awaited some definite 
i:)ro])osal from the Vienna 
government. Six army corps 
were in readiness to advance 
upon the Rhine on receipt of 
the order for mobilisation. 
The Emperor Francis Joseph 
sent Prince Windisch-Graetz 
to Berlin, to call on Prussia 
for help as a member of the 
Federation, although the 
terms of the federal agree- 
ment did not apply to the 
Lombard-Venetian kingdom ; 
but he could not persuade 
HESS himself to grant Prussia the" 

since October, 1857, in con- Chief of the staff in the Austrian leadership of the narrower 

•^ ' army under Field-Marshal Radet- . ^ , •. ,i 

zky. General Hess shared with that UnlOn, Or CVCn tO permit the 
great leader many of his victories, foundation of a North Gcr- 

sequence of an affection of 
the brain ; since October 7th, 
1S58, his brother William had governed 
Pi"ussia as prince-regent. He had too 
much sympathy with the Austrian 
dynasty and too much respect for the 
fidelity of the German Federal princes to 
citti'iTii*! to m;)1:r ca]iital out of his 

man Union. A politician of the school 
of Felix Schwarzenberg was not likely 
to formulate a practicable compromise. 
Austria thus threw away her chance of 
defeating France and Bonapartism witlr 
the help of her German brethren, and of 




remaining a permanent and honoured 
member of the Federation which had 
endured a thousand years, merely because 
she dechned an even smaller sacrifice 
than was demanded in 1866. 

During the progress of these Federal 
negotiations at Berlin the combatants had 
themselves been occupied in bringing the 
war to a conclusion. The 
Em IroT's Emperor Napoleon was well 
mperor s ^ware that the temper of the 
Peace Terms t- i , • i • i 1 1 

l^ederation was highly dan- 
gerous to himself, and that Great Britain 
and Prussia would approach him with offers 
of intervention. He therefore seized the 
opportunity of extricating himself by 
proffering an armistice and a provisional 
peace to the Emperor Francis Joseph. 

After two victories his action bore 
the appearance of extreme moderation. 
Austria was to cede Lombardy to France, 
the province then to become Sardinian 
territory ; the Grand Duke of Tuscany 
and the Duke of Modena were to be per- 
mitted to return to their states, but were 
to be left to arrange their governments 
for themselves, without the interference 
of either of the Powers ; Austria was to 
permit the foundation of an ItaHan 
Federation ; the desire of the Emperor 
Francis Joseph to retain Peschiera and 
Mantua was granted. On these terms 
the armistice was concluded on July 8th, 
and the provisional Peace of \'illafranca 
on July nth ; and Napoleon withdrew. 

The official account of the war of 1859 
by the Austrian general staff attempts to 
account for the emperor's conclusion of 
peace on military grounds, emphasising 
the difficult}^ of continuing hostilities and 
the impossibility of placing an army on 
the Upper Rhine, in accordance with the 
probable demands of the Federation. 
This is an entirely superficial view of the 
question. Had Prussia declared war on 
France on the ground of her agreement 
with Austria, without consulting the 
Federation, and sent 150,000 
f th^'c* ^^^^ within a month from 

° E^ ™'*^'"°'" ^^^ Rhine to the French 
frontier, the anxieties of 
the Austrian army in Italy would have 
been entirely relieved. Napoleon would 
certainly have left Verona if the Prus- 
sians had been marching on Paris by 
routes perfectly well known to him. 

Although the Italian policy of Napoleon 
III. seemed vague and contradictory, even 
to his contemporaries, yet he was still in 


their eyes entitled to the credit of being 
the creator of the kingdom of Italy ; so 
that in the year i860 he stood at the zenith 
of his influence in Europe. He successfully 
concealed from public opinion how much 
had really been done contrary to his wishes. 
It was discovered that his character was 
sphinx-like, and what was really weakness 
seemed to be Machiavellian calculation. 

Cavour, indeed, saw through him and 
made full use of his vacillation ; and 
years later the story was told how Bis- 
marck, even in those days, called the French 
emperor " une incapacite meconnue," 
an undetected incapable. But as against 
this unauthenticated verdict we must re- 
member that the emperor possessed a wide 
range of intellectual interests and a keen 
comprehension of the needs of his age. On 
the other hand, he was lacking in firmness ; 
natures like Cavour and Bismarck easily 
thwarted his plans, and could lead him 
tmvards the goal which they had in view. 

Outside France, Napoleon's advocacy 

of the national wishes of the smaller 

nations of Europe made him popular. 

When Moldavia and Wallachia, contrary 

„ ,^ to the tenor of the treaties, 

France as the 1 ■ 

-J, . - chose a common sovereign, 

c II Ki .• Alexander Cusa, Napoleon 
Small Nations t^t -^i j^i 1 1 x ti 

III., With the help of Kussia, 

induced the Great Powers to recognise him, 
and protected the Roumanians when theii 
principalities were united into a national 
state. Cusa, it is true, was deposed by a 
revolution on February 23rd, 1866. Prince 
Charles of Hohenzollern, who was chosen 
on April 20th, obtained for the youthful 
state, by the force of his personality, com- 
plete independence on May 21st, 1877, and 
the title of a kingdom on March 26th, 1881. 
It was Napoleon's purpose to perform 
equal services for the Poles. The Tsar 
Alexander II., in order to conciliate them, 
placed, in June, 1862, their countryman, 
the Marquess of Wielopolski, at the side 
of his brother Constantine, the viceroy of 
Poland. Wielopolski endeavoured to re- 
concile his people to Russia, in order to 
help his countrymen to win some share, 
however modest, of self-government. But 
the passionate fury of the Poles frustrated 
his jiurpose, and he was unable to prevent 
the outbreak of the insurrection in J anuary, 
1863. He thereupon gave up his post, 
and the Russian Government adopted the 
sternest measures. - In February, Prussia 
put the Russian emperor under an obliga- 
tion by granting permission to Russian 



troops to follow Polish insurgents into 

Prussian territory. This compact, it is 

true, did not come into force, since it 

aroused the indignation of Europe ; but 

it showed the goodwill of Prussia, and 

Bismarck, by this and other services in 

the Polish question, won the Tsar over so 

completely that Russia's neutrality was 

„ ^ assured in the event of a 

How Fii.iice 1 • /- x-' 

„ quarrel m Germany. JSapo- 

. ^ "p 1 ^^'^^ ^^^^' induced England, 

and, after long hesitation, 
Austria also, to tender to Russia a request 
that the Poles should be granted a com- 
plete amnesty ; but this was refused. The 
support of Prussia was peculiai'ly valu- 
able to Russia, because France, England, 
and Austria resolved to intercede further 
for the Poles. In a note of June 27th, 
1863, the three Powers recommended 
to Russia the grant of six demands, of 
which the most important were a Polish 
Parliament and a complete amnesty. 

Palmerston supported these first steps of 
Napoleon, in the interests of British rule 
in India. In Poland he saw a wound to 
Russian power, which he determined to 
keep open. But he refused his assent to 
more serious measures which Napoleon 
]iressed on his consideration, because the 
Polish question was not so important for 
the British that they would embark on a 
war for this sole reason ; still less could 
Austria, since it was one of the participa- 
tory Powers, follow Napoleon on his path. 
The Tsar, however, was so enraged at 
Austria's vacillating attitude that he 
thereupon immediateh' proposed to King 
William an alliance against France and 
Austria. Bismarck advised his sovereign 
not to accept the Tsar's proposal, because 
in a war against France and Austria the 
brunt of the burden would have devolved 
on Prussia. Napoleon then proposed to 
the Austrian emperor, through the Due 
de Gramont, that he should cede Galicia 
to Poland, which was to be emancipated, 

_. „ '^ but in return take possession 
The French r,, r-k u- ■ r^ 

_ . of the Danubian prmcipahties. 

th L h Count Rechberg answered that 
it was strange to suggest to 
Austria to wage a war with Russia for 
the purpose of losing a province, when it 
was customary to draw the sword only to 
win a fresh one. Napoleon thus saw him- 
self completely left in the lurch, and 
Russia suppressed the rebellion with 
bloodshed and severity ; the Governor- 
general of Wilna, Michael Muravjev, was 


conspicuous for the remorseless rigour 
with which he exercised his power. It 
would be a mistake to consider Napo- 
leon as a sympathetic politician who, if 
free to make his choice, would have 
devoted the resources of his country to 
the liberation of oppressed nations. His 
selfishness was revealed in the expedition 
against Mexico ; and there, too, he tried 
to veil his intention by specious phrases. 
He announced to the world that he 
wished to strengthen the Latin races in 
America as opposed to the Anglo-Saxons, 
who were striving for the dominion over 
the New World. He had originally started 
on the expedition in concert with Great 
Britain and Spain, in order to urge upon 
the Mexican Government the pecuniary 
claims of European creditors. The two 
allies withdrew when !\Iexico conceded 
their request ; the French general. Count 
Lorencez, thereupon, in violation of the 
treaty, seized the healthy tableland above 
the fever-stricken coast of Vera Cruz, where 
the French had landed. General Forey 
then conquered the greatest part of the 
land, and an assembly of notables, on July 
. nth, 1863, elected as emperor 
^ e amng ^j^^ Archduke ^Maximilian, 

brother of Francis Joseph. 

He long hesitated to accept 
the crown, because Francis Joseph gave his 
assent only on the terms that Maximilian 
should first unconditionally renounce all 
claim to the succession in Austria. After 
Napoleon had promised, in the treaty of 
March 12th, 1864, to leave at least 20. -^oo 
French soldiers in the country until 1667, 
the archduke finally consented to be em- 
peror ; he did not shut his eyes to the fact 
that monarchy would be slow to strike root 
in the land. Napoleon, by placing the Em- 
peror !\Iaximilian on the throne, pursued 
his object of gradually withdrawing from 
the Mexican affair, since the United States 
protested against the continuance of the 
French in Mexico. The reader is referred 
to a later volume for the history of the way 
in which Napoleon deserted the unhappy 
emperor, and incurred a partial respon- 
sibility for his execution at Queretaro. 
The restless ambition of Napoleon's 
policy aroused universal distrust in 
Europe. When the war of 1866 broke out, 
after his failures in the Polish and Mexican 
affair, his star was already setting ; and 
a growing republican opposition, sup- 
ported by the 3'ounger generation, was 
raising its head menacingly in France. 


of Napoleon 








'"THE greatest political event 'of, the 
*■ nineteenth century on' the" European 
Continent is the simultaneous establish- 
ment of the national unity of the German 
and Italian peoples. The aspect of Europe 
was more permanently changed by this 
than by any event since the creation of an 
empire by Charles the Great. The feeling 
of nationality is as old as the nations them- 
selves, and the histor}'^ of the two nations 
with their divisions and subdivisions 
records in almost every generation proud 
exhortations or plaintive appeals to assert 
their unity by force of arms. From Dante 
and Petrarch, from Machiavelli and Julius 
II. — "Out with the barbarians from 
Italy ! " — down to Alfieri and Ugo Foscolo, 
the line is almost unbroken. 

The Germans show the same sequence. 

But the appeals of the writers of the 

German Renaissance, from Hutten to 

Puffendorf and Klopstock, never had such 

. a passionate ring, since the 

wa enmg j^^^jqj^ even when most divided, 

of Uerman , , i j 

Nationality ^^^^ always Strong enough to 
ward off the foreign yoke. At 
last the intellectual activity of the. eigh- 
teenth century raised the spirit of nation- 
ality, and the German people becajne 
conscious that its branches were closely 
connected. The intellectual culture of the 
Germans would, as David Strauss says in 
a letter to Ernest Renan, have remained 
an empty shell if it had not finahy pro- 
duced the national State. 

We must carefully notice that the sup- 
porters of the movement for unification 
both in Germany and Italy were drawn 
exclusively^ from the educated classes ; 
but Iheir efforts were powerfully sup- 
ported by the establishment and expansion 
of foreign trade, and by the construction 
of roads and railways, since the separate 
elements of the nation were thus brought 
closer together. The scholar and the 
author were joined by the manufacturer, 
who produced goods for a market outside 
his own small country, and by the merchant, 

R 26 G 

who was cramped by custom-house restric- 
tions. Civil servants and military men 
'did not respond to that appeal until much 
later. The majority of the prominent 
officials and officers in Germany long 
remained particularists, until Prussia 
_ -, declared for the unity of the 

_ . nation. In Italy the course of 

. J . affairs was somewhat different. 

There the generals and 
officers of the Italian army created by 
Napoleon were from the first filled with the 
conviction that a strong political will was 
most important for the training of their 
people ; the revolution of 1821 was greatly 
due to them. Similarly, the officers of the 
smaller Italian armies between 1859 and 
1 86 1 joined in large numbers the side of 
King Victor Emmanuel. The movement 
reached the masses last of all. But they, 
even at the present day in Italy, are 
indifferent towards the new regime ; while 
in South Germany and Hanover, and occa- 
sionally even on the Rhine, they are still 
keenly alive to their own interests. 

When Garibaldi marched against the 
army of the King of Naples, the soldiers 
of the latter were ready and willing to strike 
for his cause, and felt themselves betrayed 
by generals and officers. It is an un- 
doubted fact that the Neapolitan Bour- 
bons had no inconsiderable following 
among the lower classes. The Catholic 
clergy of Italy were divided ; the leaders 
supported the old regime, while the in- 
ferior clergy favoured the movement. The 
mendicant friars of Sicily were enthusiastic 
for Garibaldi, and the Neapohtan general, 
. Bosco, when he marched 
Garibaldi ^^g^^j^g^ ^^q j)atriot leader, was 
the Patriot ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ soldiers in 
®* ^"^ a general order not to allow 
themselves at confession to be shaken in 
their loyalty to their king. Pius IX. 
endured the mortification of seeing that 
in 1862 no less than 8,493 priests signed a 
petition praying him to place no obstacles 
in the way of the unification of Italy. 



It was from Germany, the mother of so 
many ideas, that at the beginning of the 
nineteenth century the modern movement, 
of which the watchword is national and 
poUtical unity, took its start. But the 
impulse was not given by the current of in- 
ternal development ; it came from outside, 
through the tyranny of Napoleon. The 
nation recognised that it could only attain 
mdependence by union, and keep it by unity. 

The conception of emperor and empire 
found its most powerful advocate in 
Stein. But he and his friends, as was 
natural, considered the overthrow of the 
foreign tyranny more important at first 
than formal unity. In his memorial 
addressed to the Tsar in 1812 he pointed 
out how desirable it was that Germany, 
since the old monarchy 
of the Ottos and thu 
Hohenstauffen could not 
be revived, should be 
divided between the 
two Great Powers, 
Prussia and Austria, on 
a line corresponding to 
the course of the Main. 

He would, however, 
have regarded this solu- 
tion only as an expedient 
required by existing cir- 
cumstances. " I have only 
one fatherland," he wrote 
to Count Miinster at Lon- 
don, on December 1st, 
1812 — " that is called 
Germany ; and since I, 
according to the old con- 

tion, and the 


the first summons to unity was uttered by 
Murat, who, when he marched against the 
Austrians in 1815, wished to win the nation 
for himself, and employed Professor Rossi 
of Bologna, who was murdered in 1848, 
when a Liberal Minister of the Pope, to 
compose a proclamation embodying the 
principle of Italian unity. The peoples of 
the Austrian monarchy were subsequently 
roused by Germany to similar efforts. 

There was this distinction between Ger- 
many and Italy — in the former the Holy 
Roman Empire had served to keep alive 
the tradition of unity, while in Italy 
no political unity had existed since 
Roman times. In Italy the movement 
towards unity had no historical founda- 
" municipal spirit " was 
everywhere predominant 
until the middle of the 
nineteenth century. 
When, in 1848, a number 
of officers, who were not 
natives, were enrolled in 
the Piedmontese army, 
the soldiers long made a 
sharp distinction between 
their " Piedmontese " and 
their " Italian " superiors. 
So again in the Crimean 
War, when 15,000 Pied- 
montese were sent to fight 
on the side of the French 
and English, most of them 
heard for the first time 
that the foreign nations 
termed them Italians. 
In Germany, again, it 

Stitution, belong to it and The Italian patriot who suffered in the cause WaS a qUCStion of Uniting 

to no particular part of ^^^'^^^^^^f^^'^';:^ prosperous states, but m 

it, I am devoted, heart - 
and soul to it alone, and p"""^"^ 
not to one particular part of it. At this 
moment of great developments the 
dynasties are a matter of absolute indiffer- 
ence to me. They are merely instruments." 
Stein's efforts at the Congress of Vienna, 
where he vainly stood out for the emperor 
and the imperial Diet, remained as noble 
examples to the next generation. The 
thought of nationality radiated from Ger- 
many, where Arndt, Uhland, Korner, and 
Riickert had written in its spirit. But 
Napoleon had roused also the Italians and 
the Poles, the former by uniting at least 
Central and Upper Italy, with the exception 
of Piedmont, into the kingdom of Italy ; 
the latter by holding out to them the bait of 
a restored constitution. It is significant that 


his watchword "God and the People,' 
his purpose with passionate zeal 

Italy of overthrowing un- 
stable ones — for example, 
the States of the Church and Naples. In 
Germany it was necessary to reckon with 
superabundant forces and the jealousy of 
two Great Powers; and by the side of 
them stood a number of prosperous petty 
states where culture flourished. Italy, on 
the other hand, was dependent on the 
Austrians, who were termed 
Tedeschi, or Germans; in this 
connection, however, the 
Italians were forced to admit 
that an organised government and a legis- 
lature, which in comparison with Piedmont 
itself showed considerable advance, existed 
only in the Austrian districts. And in 
addition the Italians had to struggle against 
the great difficulty that the papacy, as a 

on Austria 


spiritual empire, opposed their unification. 
The risings of 1821 in Naples and 
Piedmont, as well as that of 1831 in the 
Romagna, aimed far more at the intro- 
duction of parliamentary forms than 'at 
the attainment of national unity. The 
thought of liberty was stronger then than 
. ., that of nationality. Only in 
Mazzini s ^^^^ background did the secret 
Great Work • , ? ^i /- u j. 

„ . society of the Carbonari enter- 

*** ^ tain the vague idea of the 
union of Italy. The followers of the 
Genoese, Joseph Mazzini, 1805-1872, claim 
for him the honour of being the first to 
follow out the idea of unity to its logical 
conclusion. Certain it is that Mazzini, 
undeterred by failures, devoted his whole 
life to the realisation 
of this idea. " I have 
just taught the Italians," 
he said, on one occasion 
after the war of 1859, " to 
lisp the word ' unity.' " 

It was after his arrest in 
1830 by the Piedmontese 
Government as a member 
of the Carbonari, when he 
spent several. months as a 
prisoner in the fortress of 
Savona, that he formed 
the plan of founding a 
league under the name of 
" Young Italy," with the 
object of creating an 
Italian republic. Ani- 
mated by a faith which 
amounted to fanaticism, 
he took as his watchword 
" God and the People ! " 
He described later his 
feelings as a prisoner : 
" I saw how Rome, in 
the name of God and of 
a republican Italy, offered the nations a 
common goal and the foundation of a new 
religion. And I saw how Europe, wearied 
of scepticism, egoism, and anarchy, re- 
ceived the new faith with enthusiastic 
acclamations. These were my thoughts 
in my cell at Savona." He did not shrink 
from employing all the weapons of con- 
spiracy, including even assassination. 

All the rebellions and conspiracies which 
he plotted proved failures ; but even under 
the stress of conscientious scruples as to 
the right he had to drive so many highly 
gifted colleagues to death and long years of 
captivity, he was supported by the thought 
that only thus could the ideal of nationality 

The great champion of Italian liberty, Giuseppe 
Garibaldi, became associated with Mazzini in 
the early days oi the movement, and was con- 
demned to death, but escaping:, he returned 
later to Italy to lead his people to victory. 
From a photograph 

be kept before the eyes of the people. In 
the oath which he administered to the 
members of his secret league tb.ey vowed : 
"By the blush which reddens my face 
when I stand before the citizens of other 
countries and convince myself that I 
possess no civic rights, no country, no 
national flag ... by the tears of ItaU;in 
mothers for their sons who have perished 
on the scaffold, in the dungeon, or in 
exile . . . I swear to devote myself entirely 
and always to the common object of creat- 
ing one free, independent, and republican 
Italy by every means within my power." 

The league spread over Italy and every 
country where Italians lived. Giuseppe 
Garibaldi heard for the first time^ of 
Mazzini in 1833, when 
as captain of a small 
trading-vessel he was 
sitting in an inn at 
Taganrog on the Black 
Sea, and listened to the 
conversation at the next 
table of some Italian 
captains and merchants 
with whom he was unac- 
quainted. ' ' Columbus, ' ' 
he wrote in 1871, " cer- 
tainly never felt such 
satisfaction at the dis- 
covery of America as I 
telt when I found a man 
\v]ao was endeavouring to 
lil;erate his country." He 
L-ageriy joined the fiery 
(orator of that dinner- 
|)arty, whose name was 
Cuneo, and, armed with 
an introduction from him, 
hastened to Mazzini, who 
was then plotting his 
conspiracies at Marseilles. 
Garibaldi took part in one of the futile 
risings of February, 1834, was condemned 
to death, and escaped to Argentina, 
where he gathered his first experiences 
of war. He long followed the leadership 
of Mazzini, although the natures of the 
two men were too different to permit 
of any very intimate relations between 
them. Garibaldi called Ma.zzini the 
" second of the Infallibles " ; but he 
esteemed him so highly, that at a banquet 
given in his honour at London in 1864 he 
toasted him as his master. 

Mazzini was the central figure of the 
Italian movement only up to the middle 
of the fifties. After that an amelioration 



was traceable in the life of his nation. 
When the middle classes took up the 
cause of freedom as one man, the import- 
ance of the conspiracies disappeared and 
the entire system of secret societies — for 
the Carbonari and the Young Italy were 
opposed by the Sanfedists, the league of 
the reaction — became discredited. Public 
. . life was now more instinct with 
Mazzim vitality. A blind and biassed 
Condemned i i • • i ii 

D th republicanism was no longer the 

only cry ; the leaders of the 
movement began to take the actual condi- 
tions into account, and the Piedmontese, 
in particular, worked in the cause of con- 
stitutional monarchy. Mazzini, on the other 
hand, hated the house of Savoy equally 
with every other dynasty. Two of his 
conspiracies were aimed against Piedmont, 
so that sentence of death was pronounced 
on him by the courts of that kingdom. 

The new ideas started from Piedmont. 
The noble priest Vincenzo Gioberti pro- 
posed the plan that all Italy should rally 
round the Pope, and follow him as leader 
in the war of independence. A number of 
Piedmontese nobles, Count Cesare Balbo, 
Marquis Massimo d'Azeglio, and the 
greatest of them, Count Camillo Cavour, 
were filled with the conviction that the 
government of Italy belonged by right to 
the constitutional monarchy of Piedmont. 
They had all grown up in an atmosphere of 
conservative ideas, respectful towards the 
monarchy, and filled with admiration for 
the army and the civil service of Piedmont. 
The revolutionists of 1848 were united only 
in their hatred of the foreign yoke ; their 
views for the future were of the most con- 
flicting character, and must have led to dis- 
sension if they had been clearly formulated. 
The hope that Pope Pius would be 
permanently won for the great thought 
soon faded away. In the whole agitation 
the idea of federalism was still widely 
predominant. Venice and Rome under 
Daniel Manin and Mazzini declared for 
independent republics ; even 
Lombardv felt some reluctance 

in Public 

to unite with Sardinia. Rossi, 
the papal Minister, wished 
merely for a league of the sovereign 
princes of Italy, not a united Parliament. 
In Piedmont the middle-class citizens 
opposed with suspicion the representatives 
of the monarchical military state, and 
Cavour, who defended the royal authority, 
was in 1849 one of the most unpopular of 
politicians. Even then he was opposed to 


Urbano Rattazzi, who was soon destined 
to become the leader of the bourgeois 
circles. Italy thus succumbed to the 
sword of Radetzky. Napoleon, as Presi- 
dent of the French Republic, put an end 
to the Roman Republic, since he did not 
wish to allow all Italy to be subjugated 
by the Austrians. The heroic and, for 
some time, successful defence of Rome by 
Garibaldi — on the scene of this memorable 
fight, at the summit of the Janiculum, a 
colossal monument has been erected in his 
honour — raised him to be the popular 
hero of the nation, while Mazzini's re- 
publican phrases began to seem vapid to 
the intelligent Italians. 

The wars of 1848 and 1849 ^^ft the 
Italians with the definite impression that 
only Piedmont could have ventured to 
face the Austrian arms in the open field. 
King Charles Albert was clearly a martyr 
to the cause of Italian unity ; he died 
soon after his abdication, a broken-hearted 
man, in a Portuguese monastery. Since 
his son, Victor Emmanuel, alone among the 
Italian princes maintained the constitu- 
tion granted in 1848, the hopes of Italy 
p were centred in him. In the 

avour a ^,^^^ 18^2, Cavour reached the 

the Ooa! of -■ t , i / 1 ■ u 

. . . . .^. immediate goal of his burning 
his Ambition , ,. ,-r\^-t i-.- r 

but justifiable ambition ; for 

after he had allied himself with Rattazzi 
and the liberal middle class, he was 
entrusted with the direction of the govern- 
ment. He soon ventured openly io 
indicate Piedmont, which had been over- 
thrown so recently, as the champion in the 
next war of liberation. He drew his 
weapons from the arsenal of the clever 
Minister's who, in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries, had helped the 
Dukes of Savoy to hold their own between 
France and Austria. He was the heir of the 
old dynastic policy of Savoy, but in a 
greater age, dominated by the thought of 
nationality. He formed an alliance with 
the man whom the republicans of Italy 
hated intensely, and against whose life 
they plotted more than one conspiracy. 

The question maj' well be asked whether 
the Italian blood was stirred in the veins 
of the Bonapartes when, in 1805, the first 
Napoleon created the kingdom of Italy, 
and when, in 1830, his nephew entered 
into a secret Italian alliance, and, finally, as 
Napoleon III., allied himself with Cavour 
for the liberation of Italy. It is not 
an unlikely supposition, although diplo- 
matic reasons and the lust of power were 


Cavour is 
Deceived by 
Napoleon III. 

the primary motives which actuated the 
nephew of the great conqueror in forming 
this alHance ; for he considered that his 
uncle had bequeathed to him the duty 
of destroying the work of the Congress of 
Vienna, especially in Italy, where Austria 
had entered on the inheritance of France. 

Napoleon won friends for France on all 
sides when he came forward as the advo- 
cate for the idea of nationality. While 
he did so, there lay in the bottom of his 
heart the intention of increasing the 
territory of France on the basis of this 
idea, by the annexation of Belgium and 
Savoy, and of thus uniting all French- 
speaking peoples under the Empire. On 
the other side, he thought it dangerous 
to stretch out his hand to the Rhine, 
where the Germans, whom he called the 
coming race, might oppose 
him. He wished to free Italy 
from the Austrian rule, but 
only in order to govern it as 
suzerain. For this reason he 
declined from the outset to 
entertain the idea of giving 
political unity to the penin- 
sula. He only agreed with 
Cavour at Plombieres that 
Sardinia should be enlarged 
into a North Italian kingdom 
with from 10,000,000 to 
12,000,000 inhabitants. 

There was to be a Central 
Italian kingdom, consisting of baron ricacqli 

Tuscany and the greater part onthe flight of the Grand Duke in 

of the States of the Church. ISoO, he was made dictator of Tus- 

Naples was to be left un- '^^^y- ^"^ ^^^ ^^ "^"^ ^^^^ °f "-e 
, touched. The Pope was to be '^'"'^'^ '" '''' ""'' "^"'" '" ''*''• 
restricted to the territory of the city of 
Rome and its vicinit}^ and in com- 
pensation was to be raised to the headship 
of the Italian Confederacy. Napoleon 
reserved to himself the nomination of his 
cousin, Joseph, called Jerome, to the 
throne of Central Italy, but concealed his 
intention from Cavour, while he hinted to 
him that he wished to place the son of King 
Murat on the throne at Naples. In return 
P for his armed assistance the 

r , emperor stipulated for the 

Emperors '^ . re i -kt- t-l 

p . cession of Savoy and Nice. The 

Promises ^ . -^ . r o 

Story of the campaign of 1859 

and of its termination by the Treaty of 

Villafranca has been told in the last 

chapter. By the treaty. Napoleon's 

promises, therefore, were only partially 

fulfilled. By allowing Venetia to remain 

Austrian he belied the proclamation 

announcing that " Italy shall be free from 
the Alps to the Adriatic," with which 
he had opened the war on May 3rd. 
Cavour felt himself deceived and exposed. 
His old opponent, Mazzini, had derided 
his policy before the war, and had warned 

the Italians not to exchange 

the rule of Austria for that of 
France. However unwise this 
attitude of the old conspirator 
might be, he now seemed to be correct 
in the prediction that Napoleon would 
deceive the Italians. The passionate 
nature of Cavour, which slumbered behind 
his half good-natured, half mockingly- 
diplomatic exterior, burst out in him with 
overwhelming force. He hurried to the 
headquarters of Victor Emmanuel and 
required him to lay down his crown, as 
his father, Charles Albert, 
had done, in order to show 
clearly to the world the 
injustice perpetrated by 
Napoleon. Cavour displayed 
such violence that the two 
men parted in downright 
anger. But Cavour, without 
further demur, resigned his 
ofiice. That was the wisest 
step he could take to turn 
aside the reproach of 
treachery, which the re- 
publican party was already 
bringing against him. In 
the course of a conversation 
with the senator Joachim 
Fietri, an intimate friend 
of Napoleon, he gave vent 
to his displeasure in the most 
forcible terms, and threw in the teeth of 
the emperor the charge of deceit. " Your 
emperor has insulted me," he cried ; " yes, 
sir, insulted me. He gave me his word, and 
promised me to relax no efforts until the 
Austrians were completely driven out of 
Italy. As his reward for so doing he 
stipulated for Nice and Savoy. I induced 
m.y sovereign to consent to make this 
sacrifice for Italy. My king, my good and 
honourable king, trusted me and consented. 
Your emperor now pockets his reward and 
lets us shift for ourselves. ... I am dis- 
honoured before my king. But," added 
Cavour, " this peace will lead to nothing ; 
this treaty will not be carried out." 

One of the causes which led Napoleon 
to conclude peace so rapidly was the fear 
that the Italians would go far beyond 
his original intention and win complete 



The Demand 

political independence for themselves. 
Cavour, in spite of his proud words about 
the integrity of the Piedmontese poHcy, 
had really wished on his side to outwit 
the emperor. For, at his instigation and 
in consequence of the agitations of the 
National Union, which he had secretly 
organised, not merely had Parma, Modena, 
I and the Romagna risen against 
the Pope, but even in Central 

.J Italy, in Tuscany, in the 
ay Marches and in Umbria, the 
authorities had been driven out, and every- 
where there was an outcry for United Italy. 
Victor Emmanuel had certainly, at the 
wish of Napoleon, refused this request, 
and had only accepted the supreme 
command of the volunteer corps which 
were forming everywhere. 

Napoleon wished to preclude any further 
extension of this movement. Hence the 
hasty conclusion of the armistice, and the 
provisions of the Peace of Ziirich; November 
loth, 1859, that Sardinia might retain Lom- 
bardy, but not extend her territory further. 
In Tuscan}^ Parma, and Modena the old 
order of things was to be restored, if the 
people agreed to accept it ; and the States 
of the Church, and this condition was 
taken as obvious, must once more be 
subject to the Pope. 

All Itahan States were to form a Con- 
federation, which Austria, as representing 
Venice, wished to join. Cavour. incensed at 
these fetters imposed on the Italians, said as 
he left the Ministry : " So be it ! they will 
force me to spend the rest of my life in 
conspiracies." And in the last letters before 
his retirement he secretly urged the leaders 
of the movement in Central Italy to collect 
money and arms, to wait their time loyally, 
and to resist the wishes of Napoleon. 

Rattazzi, Cavour's successor, was an 
eloquent and practised advocate, of a 
tractable disposition, and therefore more 
acceptable to the king than Cavour ; he 
possessed a mind more capable of words 
, and schemes than of action. 

avour s Cavour, speaking of him, said 

oquen ^^^^^ -^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ among the 

Successor ^■,■ • r .i ^ 1 

politicians of the second class. 
In accordance with the popular feeling 
Giuseppe Dabormida, the new Minister of 
Foreign Affairs, declared on July 23rd that 
Sardinia would never enter into an Italian 
Confederation in which Austria took any 
part. This policy was absolutely essential 
for self-preservation, since Piedmont, in a 
league with Austria, the Pope, and Naples, 


would always have been in the minority. 
The new Cabinet was wavering and in- 
secure, and so dependent on the will of 
Napoleon that it did not venture to take 
any forward step without his consent. 
But at this point the fact became evident 
that the work of unification was not 
dependent on the ability of individuals, 
but on the attitude of the whole nation. 

It is astonishing with what political tact 
the several Italian countries struggled for 
union with Sardinia. The Sardinian 
Government was compelled to recall, 
immediately after the preliminary peace, 
the men it had sent to Bologna, Florence, 
Modena, and Parma to lead the agitation. 
These districts were consequently thrown 
upon their own resources ; but Tuscany 
found, on August ist, 1859, ^^ Baron 
Bettino Ricasoli, and the Romagna and the 
duchies in Luigi Carlo, a retired physician, 
leaders who governed the provisional 
commonwealths with sagacity, and guided 
the public voting which declared for sub- 
mission to Victor Emmanuel. 

Only in quite exceptional cases was any 
violence used against the hated tools 
^^ _ . of the former governments ; 

The Swiss .t, • j i j 

otherwise order prevailed 
Mercenaries ,1 , iini 

f th p generally, and a childlike, 

^ almost touching, enthusiasm 

for the unity of Italy. The Pope 

attempted a counter-blow, and succeeded 

in conquering Perugia on July 20th, 1859, 

by means of his Swiss mercenaries, who 

did not shrink from outrage and plunder. 

Thereupon the Romagna, Tuscany, and 
Modena concluded a defensive alliance. 
General Manfredo Fanti organised in 
October, 1859, ^ force of 40,000 men ; 
so that the Pope desisted from further 
attacks. Since the Treaty of Villafranca 
left the return of the former governments 
open, so long as foreign interference was 
excluded, the Pope and the dukes calcu- 
lated upon an outbreak of anarchy, which 
would provoke a counter-blow. They 
centred their hopes on the Mazzinists ; 
and Walewski, the Minister of Napoleon, 
who was unfavourable to the Italians, 
said that he preferred them to a party 
which styled itself a government. But 
this hope faded away before the wise 
attitude of the Central Italians. 

The Emperor Napoleon now saw him- 
self confronted by the unpleasant alterna- 
tive of allowing the Italians full liberty, 
or of restoring the old regime b}^ force. 
But ought the liberator of Italy to declare 


war on the country ? And it was still 
more out of the question to allow the 
interference of the defeated Austrians. 
He repeatedly assured the Italians that 
he persisted in his intention to carry out 
his programme of federation. 

Doubt has been felt whether the letter to 
this effect which he addressed on October 
20th, 1859, to Victor Emmanuel really ex- 
pressed his true intention. In that letter 
he repeated his demand for the restoration 
of the old regime in Central Italy and for 
the formation of an Italian Confederation 
with the Pope at its head. But it is 
clear that this was really his own and his 
final scheme ; for he was too wise not to 
foresee that a united and powerful Italy 
might one day turn against France. 

With this idea, therefore, he said to 
Marquis Napoleone di Pepoh : "If the 
movement of incorporation crosses the 
Apennines, the union of Italy is finished, 
and I do not wish for any union — I wish 
simply and solely for independence." His 
programme would have proved the most 
favourable solution for France, since it 
would then always have had a hand in the 

affairs of Italy, from the simple 
1 he Italian ^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^j^^ ^^^.^^^ Italian 
Dtslike of 1 • 1 i_- 1 1 i. • 1. 

th F K kmgdom, which owed its exist- 
ence to him, would have had no 
other support against Austria and the 
remaining sovereigns of Italy. That was 
the precise contingency which Cavour most 
feared ; and for that reason he secretly urged 
the leaders of Central Italy not to comply 
with the intentions of Napoleon. In fact, 
deputations from the Romagna, Tuscany, 
and the duchies offered the sovereignty to 
King Victor Emmanuel. He did not dare 
to accept the offer against the wish of 
Napoleon, and merely promised in his 
reply that he would represent to Europe 
the wishes of the Central Italians. 

It is a remarkable fact that Victor 
Emmanuel, in these complications, enter- 
tained for a moment the idea of joining 
hands with Mazzini andraising the standard 
of revolt against Napoleon. By the agency 
of Angelo Brofferio, the leader of the 
democratic opposition in the Piedmontese 
Parliament, and the opponent of Cavour's 
diplomacy, the king negotiated witli the 
old republican conspirator on whom first 
his father, and later, he himself, in 1857, 
had caused sentence of death to be passed 
on account of his organisation of a revolt 
in Piedmont. Mazzini showed at this crisis 
how greatly the welfare of his country out- 

weighed with him all other considerations. 
He sent a message to that effect to the king, 
and only asked him to break off entirely 
with Napoleon, whom the Republicans 
regarded as Antichrist. In return Mazzini 
offered to raise the whole of Italy, including 
Rome and Naples, after which would follow 
the promotion of Victor Emmanuel to be 
Th K" • king of the peninsula. But then 
e mg s — ^^^. Mazzini expressly made 
Advice to , , . 1 • . "^1 1 . 

Brofferio proviso — he intended to 

fight, as previously, for the re- 
public and for the expulsion of the House of 
Savoy. The king is reported to have said 
to Brofferio : "Try to come to an under- 
standing ; but take care that the Public 
Prosecutor hears nothing of it." 

The negotiations, however, did not lead 
to the desired goal, for the game seemed 
to the king to be too dangerous. Mazzini 
certainly promised on that occasion 
more than he could perform ; his schemes 
could not have been carried into execu- 
tion against the express wishes of 
Napoleon, who would not have abandoned 
the Pope and Rome. Italy had only 
obtained the support of the emperor 
against Austria because the monarchical 
policy of Cavour offered a guarantee that 
in Italy at least the revolutionaries, who 
threatened his rule in France, were kept in 
restraint. The emperor, as his action in 
the year 1867 clearly proves, would have 
certainly employed force against Italy, even 
though Rome had been raised in rebellion ; 
for since the French Democrats were im- 
placably hostile to him, he was bound at 
least to have the clerical party on his side. 
Garibaldi, who then was entrusted by 
the provisional government with the com- 
mand of the Tuscan troops, overlooked all 
these considerations, and was already 
determined to advance on Rome. But 
Farini, the dictator of Romagna and of the 
duchies, thought his enterprise dangerous, 
and, going to meet him, induced him to 
withdraw from Central Italy. Having 
returned to Turin, Garibaldi 
was received with consideration 
by Victor Emmanuel, who was 
privy to this plot ; he then 
addressed a manifesto to Italy, in which he 
condemned the miserable, fox-Hke politi- 
cians, and called upon the Italians to place 
their hopes exclusively on Victor 
Emmanuel. That monarch, under his out- 
ward simplicity, possessed natural shrewd- 
ness enough to remain on good terms with 
all who wished to further the unity of Italy. 




to Italy 


In this consists his inestimable services 
in the cause of the unification of Italy. 
Towards the end of the year 1859, 
Napoleon was forced to admit that he 
could not carry out his programme in 
Central Italy by peaceful methods. He 
thus ran the risk of losing- 
Savoy and Nice, which had 
been promised him as a reward 
before the war. His own 
interests and his predilection 
for the Itahan cause com- 
bined to induce him to leave 
a part, at any rate, of Central 
Italy to Victor Emmanuel. 
In order to carry out this 
change of policy, Walewski 
was dismissed and Edouard 
Antoine Thouvenel, a liberal 
who shared Napoleon's pre- 
ference for Italy, was nomi 

to give up my place to him. ■ But he was 
still more impatient than I was. I am 
sorry that he expended so much trouble in 
bursting the doors that stood open to him. 
But he has the right to be ambitious." 
Napoleon, , although not disposed to a 
grand and sweeping policy, 
had the astuteness requisite 
to disguise his frequent 
changes of front, and to veil 
his machinations with a sem- 
blance of magnanimity. Since 
he knew that the British dis- 
tnisted him, and foresaw that 
the annexation of Savoy and 
Nice would appear to them 
the prelude to an extensive 
policy of aggrandisement, he 
lulled their suspicions by 
concluding a commercial 
treaty on free-trade principles, 

nated Foreign Minister on admiral persano January 23rd, i860. At the 

lanuarv "Sth, i860. But the Admiral of the Italian fleet Per- g^j^g ^[^q }^e informed the 

J J 'J ' ^^^ . sano, on the occasion of Garibaldi s _-, , -r^ i 

new policy was not possible bold expedition to Sicily, was Popc that l' ranee no longer 

with the Cabinet of Rattazzi, °^fp^r^et'4en'GaHbai°di^'""trani! wishcd to iusist On the 

since that Minister did not po^ts and the Neapolitan fleet, restoration of the legations 
possess the courage to assume the of the Romagna, Bologna, and Ferrara 

to the States of the Church. 

This change in the policy of Napoleon 

could not have been more unwelcome to 

anyone than to the Pope. After all, Pius IX. 

had himself to blame for it, since he opposed 
the sensible counsels of 
Napoleon. The emperor 
had requested him in a 
letter of July 14th, 1859, 
to grant to the already 
rebellious legations a sepa- 
rate administration and a 
lay government nominated 
by the Pope. " I humbly 
conjure your Holiness," so 
the letter ran, " to listen to 
the voice of a devoted son 
of the Church, who in this 
matter grasps the needs of 
his time, and knows that 
force is not sufficient to 
prospect of new and grand ^ ^^,^,F^^t^, lamoriciere ^^^^^ ^^^^ difficult prob- 

x XT o (JnG 01 tnG lG3,QGrS 01 tllG L^CSritlllllSL 

exploits, he induced his party in France, he was appointed Icms. In the decision of 
friends to work vigorously commander-in-chief ofthe papal forces in your Holiucss I scc either 
on his behalf, so that the ^^^^' '^^^'^ ^^^ ^°p^ surrounded himself tl-^g perms of a peaceful and 

y-. 1 • . r T-> ij_ • with an army of 20,000 enlisted soldiers. , -i j: ^ xi 

Cabinet 01 Rattazzi was tranquil future, or the 

compelled to make way for him on continuation of a period of violence and 

responsibility for the cession of Savoy 
ond Nice. A bold and broad policy 
could only be carried out with the assist- 
ance of Cavour. The latter was already 
thirsting for power, while Rattazzi was 
vainly trying to block his 
road. It is true that the 
king was not pleased with 
the exchange of Ministers ; 
he still cherished some 
rancour against Cavour for 
the " scene " which the 
latter had made with him 
after the Peace of Villa- 
franca. Public opinion, on 
the other hand, more 
especially in Central Italy, 
looked to Cavour alone 
for the realisation of its 
wishes. Since his ambi- 
tion was fired by the 

January i6th, i860. Rattazzi and his 
colleagues were not all so candid in their 
views as Dabormida, the Foreign Minister, 
who felt he could not compare with Cavour, 
and wrote at the time : "I was impatient 


distress." But the Curia continued ob- 
stinate, and declai"ed that it could not break 
with the principles on which the States of 
the Church had been governed hitherto. 
The Pope, in fact, protested against 


the concession of religious liberty which 
had been granted by the provisional 
government at Bologna. Napoleon now 
adopted a severer tone. He published in 
December, 1859, ^ pamphlet, " The Pope 
and the Congress," in which it was stated 
that a restoration of papal rule in Central 
Italy had become impossible. Granted 
that a secular kingdom was necessary for 
the Pope in order to maintain his inde- 
pendence, a smaller territory would be 
sufficient for that purpose. Shortly after- 
wards, Napoleon addressed a second letter 
to Pius IX., in wliicli he called upon the 

throne. Cavour, however, met the refusal 
of Napoleon by a bold move, on which 
Rattazzi would never have ventured. 
Without asking the emperor, and against 
his will, a plebiscite was taken in March, 
i860, in all the provinces of Central Italy, 
including Tuscany, on the question 
whether they wished for incorporation in 
the kingdom of Italy. The elections for 
the Parliament of Upper Italy proceeded 
at the same time with equal enthusiasm. 
All the capitals entrusted Cavour with full 
powers in order to express their confidence. 
It was no rhetorical fi'2;ure when Napoleon, 

Rebelling- against their Neapolitan rulers, the Sicilians looked eagerly for the assistance of Garibaldi, who at last 
decided to join the movement, sailing on May 5th, 1860, with about a thousand volunteers. In the above picture 
released prisoners are seen leading their gaoler through the streets of Palermo before putting him to death. 

Pope on his side also to make some sacri- 
fice for the union of Italy, which was slowly 
and surely progressing. 

Cavour, meantime, had not reached his 
goal. On February 17th, i860, Italy 
learnt the latest of the constantly changing 
programmes of Napoleon. According to 
this, only Parma and Modena were to be 
incorporated with Sardinia. Victor Em- 
manuel would rule the legations as Vicar 
of the Pope ; but Tuscany must remain 
independent ; at most a prince of the 
House of Savoy might be placed on the 

in a speech delivered on March ist, ex- 
pressed his dissatisfaction at the arbitrary 
action of Italy. Cavour, however, had 
cleverly secured the goodwill of Britain, 
which had quite agreed to the proposal that 
Italy should withdraw from the influence 
of Napoleon. Palmerston was malicious 
enough to praise Cavour in the British 
Parliament for the boldness of his action. 
Now, at length Cavour opened regular 
negotiations about the cession of Savoy 
and Nice, which had been promised by 
the treaty of January, 1858. What was 



the emperor to do ? Was he, on his side, 
to risk the loss of the two provinces by 
his obstinacy ? Perhaps even at the 
eleventh hour he might have prevented the 
incorporation of Tuscany if he had de- 
clared that under these conditions he 
would be contented with Savoy ; but now 
the expectations and the covetousness of 
, the French had been whetted, 

avour s ^^^ ^^ could not draw back. 

agica There is no question that 
Napoleon then abandoned the 
real interests of France, and was van- 
quished by Cavour. It had often been 
said, and subsequent events have proved 
the truth of the statement, that Cavour 
exercised a positively magical influence 
on Napoleon's vacillating mind. The 
Italian had probed the soul of the French 
emperor, and knew how far he might go. 
Having correctly gauged on the one hand 
the selfish interests of Napoleon, and on 
the other his sympathetic attitude towards 
the Italian question, Cavour could venture 
to play wath him up to a certain point. 

But there were limits to this policy. 
Cavour in vain tried ail the arts of his 
diplomacy, and every expedient which his 
subtle mind suggested, to save Nice at 
least for the Italians. But here he was 
confronted by the definite resolution of 
the emperor, w'ho would have exposed 
himself in the face of France, had he given 
in. Cavour and Benedetti signed the 
treaty on March 24th, i860. When this 
was done, the Italian Minister, with a flash 
of humour, turned round suddenly and 
whispered in the ear of Benedetti: "We 
are partners in guilt now, are we not ? " 

But an anxious time was in store for 
Cavour — the debate in the Italian Parlia- 
ment. The great majority of the people, 
certainly, understood that King Victor 
Emmanuel and Cavour could not have 
acted otherwise. Rattazzi, however, the 
old rival of Cavour, placed himself at the 
head of the opposition ; and he had a 
G h Id" strong supporter in Garibaldi, 

an a i ^^-^^^ ^^^j^ j^-^ ^^^^ -^ Parliament 

Deceived ii j.u 1 • ^ r 

. ^ With the express obiect of 

by Cavour ,, ^ . j. J. , . 

opposmg the cession of Nice, his 

native town, to France. Henceforth he 
hated Cavour, who, as he said, had made 
him an alien in his own country. Garibaldi 
was not so indignant at the fact itself as 
he was that Cavour had deceived him ; 
since a year previously, in answer to a 
direct question, the Minister had denied 
the cession of Nice. In no other way 


could the 'crafty statesman have secured 
Garibaldi's sword for the war of liberation. 
On the other hand, Garibaldi esteemed 
the king highly, because some months 
later to the question, " Yes or no," he 
had returned the true answer. Victor 
Emmanuel then added that, if he as king 
submitted to cede Savoy, the country of 
his ancestors, to France, Garibaldi must 
be prepared to make equal sacrifices for 
the sake of the union of Italy. 

We are told that Cavour, at this critical 
time, in order to soothe Garibaldi's 
feelings, sent him a note with the brief 
question, " Nice or Sicily ? " He is thus 
said to have incited the enthusiastic 
patriot to conquer the island. The story is 
quite improbable ; for Cavour would cer- 
tainly have preferred to mark time for the 
present, and consolidate the internal and 
economic conditions of the kingdom of 
North Italy, which consisted of 4,000,000 
Piedmontese, 2,500,000 Lombards, and 
4,000,000 Central Italians. This state, 
without the States of the Church, which 
were in an impoverished condition through 
bad administration, and without the 

. , pauper population of Naples, 
_^*^* ^ ^ would certainly have risen to 
oming considerable prosperity. It 
would have been well for North 
Italy not to have been burdened with the 
task of drawing the semi-civilised districts 
of the south into the sphere of its higher 
culture and its greater prosperity. " We 
must first organise ourselves," Cavour 
said at the time, " and form a powerful 
army ; then we can turn our eyes to 
Venetia and further to the south, and to 
Rome." It was certainly, therefore, no 
hj'pocrisy when, up to March, i860, he 
repeatedly sent envoys to Naples, in order 
to induce the Bourbons to follow a national 
policy and enter into an alliance with 
the kingdom of North Italy. 

But here the genius of the Italian people 
took other paths. The wary statesman 
soon saw himself carried onward by the 
party of action farther than he himself had 
wished ; for ]\Iazzini and his partisans were 
incessantly scheming the revolt of Sicily. 
Under their instructions Francesco Crispi, 
who had long before been condemned to 
death by the Neapolitan cojirts, travelled 
through the island at great personal risk, 
collecting on all sides sympathisers with 
the cause, and preparing for the day of 
rebellion. The Sicilians did indeed rise 
in various places, but their attempts 


were hopeless if Garibaldi could not 
be induced to invade Sicily. He de- 
clared to the Mazzinists from the very first 
that he would only join the struggle under 
the standard of " Italy and Victor Em- 
manuel " ; in spite of his republican 
leanings he saw with unerring perception 
that Italy could only be united by means 
of the Piedmontese monarchy. Mazzini 
also declared, as in the previous year, that 
he wished first and foremost to conform 
to the expressed will of the people. 

But the conscientious Garibaldi still 
hesitated ; he was weighed down by the 
enormous responsibility of leading the fiery 
youth of Italy to danger and to death, 
since all former plots against the Bourbons 
had miscarried , and been drowned in 
the blood of their promoters. King Fer- 
dinand II. of Naples, called " Bomba " 
since the savage bombardment of Messina 
in September, 1848, understood how to 
attach the soldiers of his army to his 
person ; he was hard-hearted but cunning, 
and by his affectation of native customs 
won himself some popularity with the 
lower classes on the mainland. The 
G h M" Sicilians, indeed, hated their 

ri a IS ]v;fgg^pQ}i^a.n rulers from of old ; 
J. ... and the people gladly recalled 
the memory of the Sicilian 
Vespers, by which they had wrested their 
freedom from Naples in 1282. King 
Ferdinand died on May 22nd, 1859, and 
was succeeded by his weak son, Francis 
II., a feeble nature, with no mind of 
his own. Since the outbreak in Sicily 
was suppressed, and seemed to die away, 
Cavour urgently dissuaded Garibaldi from 
his enterprise, even though he later secretly 
aided it by the supply of arms and am- 
munition. It was Cavour's business then 
to decline any responsibility in the eyes of 
the diplomatists of Europe for the uncon- 
stitutional proposal of the general. 

Garibaldi finally took the bold resolu- 
tion of sailing for Sicily on May 5th, i860, 
with a thousand or so of volunteers. 
This marks the beginning of his heroic 
expedition, and also of the incomparable 
game of intrigue played by Cavour ; for 
the whole body of European diplomatists 
raised their voices in protest against the 
conduct of the Italian Government which 
had allowed a warlike expedition against 
a neighbouring state in time of peace. 
Cavour, assailed by all the ambassadors, 
declared, with some reason, that Garibaldi 
had acted against the wishes of the 

Government, and informed the French 
emperor that the Government was too 
weak to hinder the expedition by force, 
since otherwise there was the fear of a 
republican rising against the king. At 
the same time Cavour adopted measures to 
avert all danger from Garibaldi. Admiral 
Persano received commands from him to 

, ^. place his ships between Gari- 

Insurrection f ,,-, , ^ , i ,, 

Amon baldi s transports and the 

thTskilians ^'eapohtan fleet which was 
watching for them. To this 
intentionally cryptic order Persano replied 
that he believed he understood ; if need 
arose Cavour might send him to the fortress 
at Fenestrelles. He must have made up his 
mind to be repudiated, like Garibaldi, in 
the event of the failure of the expedition. 

Garibaldi landed at Marsala, the Lily- 
baum of the ancients, on May nth, i860. 
He obtained but little help from the 
Sicilians ; when he attacked on May 15th, 
near Calatafimi, the royal troops, the 
2,400 Sicilians who had joined him, ran 
away at the first shot, while he won a 
splendid victory with his volunteers. 
At Palermo, however, all was ready for 
the insurrection. In concert with his 
friends there Garibaldi, notwithstanding 
the great numerical superiority of the 
Bourbon troops, ventured on a bold attack 
during the night of the 27th-28th May. 
The people sided with him ; the troops 
of the king were fired upon from the 
houses and withdrew to the citadel, 
whence they bombarded Palermo. Rebel- 
lion blazed up through the whole island, and 
the scattered garrisons retired to the strong 
places on the coast, especially to Messina. 

Alarmed at the revolt of the island, 

King Francis of Naples changed his tone ; 

in his dire necessity he summoned liberal 

Ministers to his counsels, and promised 

the Neapolitans a free constitution. He 

sent an embassy to Napoleon III. with a 

petition for help. The attitude of the 

latter was significant. He explained to 

the envoys that he desired the continuance 

. of the Kingdom of Naples, but 
King Francis ^^^^^ -^ ^-^ ^^^ ^-^ -^ ^^^^ ^^^^.^^ 

to check the popular move- 

Appeals to 

apo con . j^pj^^_ ^YYie Italians, he said, 
were keen-witted, and knew that, after 
having once shed the blood of the French 
for their liberation, he could not proceed 
against them with armed force. He added : 
" The power stands on the national side, 
and is irresistible. We stand defenceless 
before it." He advised the King of 



Naples, however, to abandon Sicily, and 
to offer an alliance to King Victor Em- 
manuel. Napoleon promised to support 
his proposal. This was done, and all 
the Great Powers assented to the wishes 
of France — even Great Britain, which, 
with all its inclination to Italy, still 
wished that the peninsula should be 
divided into two kingdoms. Cavour was 
in the most difficult position ; it was 
impossible, in defiance of Europe, to 
refuse negotiations with Naples, yet he 
could not but fear to risk his whole work 
if he offered his hand to the hated 
Bourbons. He therefore consented to 
negotiations, for form's sake, and even 
induced King Victor Emmanuel to write a 
letter to Garibaldi, calling upon the latter 
to discontinue landing troops on the 
mainland of Naples. 

Garibaldi thereupon replied to the king 
on June 27th : " Your Majesty knows 
the high respect and affection which I 
entertain for your person ; but the state 
of affairs in Italy does not allow me to 
obey you as I should wish. Allow me, 
then, this time to be disobedient to you. 
So soon as I have accomplished my duty 
and the peoples are freed from the detested 
yoke, I will lay down my sword at your 
feet, and obey 3'ou for the rest of my life." 

But Cavour was harassed by a still 
further anxiety. Garibaldi, on his march 
through Sicih', surrounded himself almost 
exclusively with partisans of Mazzini, and 
was resolved, so soon as Naples was 
liberated, to march on Rome. If then the 
republican party of action in this way did 
their best for the liberation of Italy, the 
fate of the monarchy was sealed. Cavour, 
therefore, staked everything to provoke a 
revolution on the mainland, by which not 
Garibaldi, but Persano or the king him- 
self, should be proclaimed dictator. He 
. . entered into a compact with 

uspicions o ^^^ of the Ministers of the King 
of Naples, Liborio Romano, 
who equally with Alessandro 
Duke of Majano, adjutant- 
Ferdinand II., was ready for 
Cavour hoped by aid of the 
latter to rouse a part of the Neapolitan 
army to revolt. He wrote to Persano : 
" Do not lose sight of the fact. Admiral, 
that the moment is critical. It is a question 
of carrying out the greatest enterprise of 
modern times, by protecting Italy from 
foreigners, pernicious principles, and fools." 
But Nunziante, awakening the suspicion 
of the Bourbon Government, was obliged 
to take refuge on board the Piedmontese 
fleet. The king's uncle, Prince Louis, 

the Bourbon 

general of 


During the bombardment ofGaetaby the Piedmontesein 1861, the King and Queen of Naples sought refuge in the damp, 
unwholesome vaults illustrated in the above picture. " Their fear," says a contemporary accountjof the siege, " must 
have been very great indeed to have induced them to live in such a wretched hole. The stench, on entering, is great ; and 
in some chambers through the doorway four generals died during the siege from the bad atmosphere and confinement." 

Count Aquila was ordered by his nephew 
to quit the kingdom. It was thus 
evident that Garibaldi's services must 
once more be utihsed in order to over- 
throw the Bourbons. He landed on 
August 19th, i860, on the coast of the 
peninsula near Melito, and marched di- 
rectly on Naples. The generals who were 
sent against him were unreliable, since 
their hearts were in the Italian cause. The 
r "K M" soldiers who supported the 
an a 1 s gQ^-i^Qj-jg thought themselves 
■ t N I betrayed, and murdered Gen- 
eral Fileno Briganti at Mileto, 
August 25th, after he had concluded 
terms of capitulation with Garibaldi. The 
latter was received everywhere with 
enthusiasm ; the common people regarded 
him as an invulnerable hero. When he 
entered Naples on September 7th, i860, 
with his 18,000 volunteers, he was greeted 
by Liborio Romano as liberator ; the king 
withdrew with his army of 60,000 men 
into a strong fortress on the Volturno. 
A momentous crisis had arrived. For the 

adherents of Mazzini in the train of Gari- 
baldi it was of vital importance to prevent 
the people of Naples from being called upon 
to vote whether they wished Victor 
Emmanuel to be king. They confirmed 
Garibaldi in the idea of marching imme- 
diately on Rome, of driving out the 
French troops, and of putting an end to 
the hierarchy. Garibaldi's breast swelled 
with his previous successes ; he was 
susceptible to flattery, and firmly per- 
suaded himself that it was merely Cavour's 
jealousy if Victor Emmanuel did not follow 
the noble impulses of his heart and throw 
open to him the road to Rome and Venice. 
When Cavour sent his trusted envoy, 
the Sicihan Giuseppe La Farina, in order 
to put himself in communication with 
Garibaldi, the latter insulted him by 
ordering his expulsion from Sicily. At 
first Garibaldi acquiesced in the dictator- 
ship of Agostino Depretis, who was sent 
by the king ; but on September i8th he 
replaced him, from suspicion of his con- 
nection with Cavour, by Antonio Mordini, 



an intimate friend of Mazzini. In this way 
Garibaldi succeeded in involving Italy 
simultaneously in a war with France and 
Austria. The Emperor Napoleon looked 
sullenly at Naples, where a revolutionary 
focus was forming that threatened his 
throne with destiiiction. 

Once more Cavour faced the situation 
with the boldest determination. He was 
firmly convinced that the monarchy and 
the constitutional government of North 
Italy must contribute as much to the 
union of the peninsula as Garibaldi ; he 
therefore counselled the king to advance 
with his army into the papal territory and 

itself and its immediate vicinity, had 
surrounded himself with an army of 
20,000 enlisted soldiers, at whose head 
he placed General Lamoriciere, one of 
the leaders of the legitimist party in 
France. The mercenaries consisted of 
French, Austrians, Belgians, and Swiss ; 
their officers were partly the flower of 
the legitimist nobility of France — a fact 
which could not be very pleasant to 
Napoleon. But King Victor Emmanuel 
sent 40,000 men, under the command of 
General Manfredo Fanti, against the 
States of the Church ; and Lamoriciere, 
who was obliged to leave half his troops 


to occupy it — with the exception of Rome, 
which was protected by Napoleon— to 
march on Naples and to defeat the army 
of the Bourbon king, which was encamped 
on the Volturno. Matters had come to 
such a crisis that, when Victor Emmanuel 
sent his Minister Luigi Farini, from 1859- 
1860 dictator of the Emilia, and General 
Cialdini to Napoleon III., to expound his 
plan, the emperor gave a reply which showed 
that he was not blind to the necessity of 
the action taken by Victor Emmanuel. 

The Pope, in order not to be entirely 
dependent on the help of France, which 
was intaided merely to protect Rome 


to suppress the inhabitants o( the States 
of the Church, was attacked by a greatly 
superior force. He was so completely 
defeated at Castelfidardo on September 
1 8th, i860, that he was only able to escape 
to Ancona with 130 men, while almost the 
entire papal army was taken prisoners. 
Persano received orders to bombard An- 
cona ; it surrendered on September 29th. 

The troops of Garibaldi had in the 
meantime attacked the Bourbon army on 
the Volturno, but without any success. 
The Bourbon troops crossed the Volturno 
in order, in their turn, to attack. Garibaldi 
boldly held his ground with his men, and 







the Neapolitans, although three to one, 
could not gain a victory ; but Garibaldi 
was far from being able to calculate upon 
a rapid success. Under these circumstances 
public opinion was strongly impressed when 
the army of Victor Emmanuel appeared on 
the bank of the Volturno ; the Neapolitans 
withdrew behind the Garigliano. 

It was high time that King Victor 
Emmanuel appeared in Naples ; for 
Garibaldi was now so completely under 
the influence of the opponents of Cavour 
that he flatly refused to 
allow the incorporation 
of Naples and Sicily in 
the kingdom of Italy to 
be carried out. Mordini, 
his representative in 
Sicily, worked at his 
side, with the object 
that independent Parlia- 
ments should be sum- 
moned irs Naples and 
Palermo, w^hich should 
settle the matter. Gari- 
baldi actually informed 
the king that he would 
not agree to the union 
unless Cavour and his 
intimate friends were 
first dismissed from the 
Ministry. By this de- 
mand, however, he ran 
counter to almost the 
entire public opinion of 
Italy. In Naples especi- 
ally and in Sicily all 
prudent men wished for 
a rapid union with Italy, 
since the break-up of the 
old regime, in Sicily 
especially, had brought 
in its train confusion, 
horrors, and political 
murders. Garibaldi long 
debated with himself 
whether he should yield ; 
but when the Marquis Pallavicino — who 
had fretted away the years of his manhood 
as a prisoner in the Spielberg at Briinn and 
was now the leader of the party of action — ■ 
and with him virtually the whole popu- 
lation of Naples, went over to the other 
side, the patriot general mastered himself 
and ordered the voting on the union with 
Italy to be arranged, October 21st. 

The king would have been prepared to 
grant his wish and to nominate him 
lieutenant-general of the districts con- 


quered by him, had not Garibaldi attached 
the condition to it that he should be 
allowed to march on Rome in the coming 
spring. As this could not be granted, he 
withdrew in dignified pride, although 
deeply mortified and implacably hostile to 
Cavour, to his rocky island of Caprera. 
In his farewell proclamation he called 
upon the Italians to rally round "II Re 
galantuomo " ; but he foretold his hope 
that in March, 1861, he would find a 
million Italians under arms, hinting in 
this way that he wished 
by their means to liberate 
Rome and Venice. But a 
fact, which many years 
later was disclosed in the 
memoirs of Thouvenel 
and Beust, shows how 
correct the judgment of 
Cavour was when he 
kept the Italians at this 
time away from Rome. 
When Garibaldi wished 
to march against Rome, 
Napoleon told the Vienna 
Cabinet that he had no 
objection if it wished to 
draw the sword against 
Italy to uphold the Treaty 
of Zurich — that is to say, 
for the papacy ; only, it 
could not be allowed to 
disturb Lombardy again. 
It is conceivable that 
Rechberg, the Foreign 
Minister, dissuaded the 
Emperor Francis Joseph 
from a war which could 
bring no gain to Austria 
even in case of victory. 
The Bourbon army could 
not hold its ground 
against the troops of 
Victor Emmanuel, and 
King Francis threw him- 
self into the fortress of 
Gaeta. When he surrendered there with 
8,000 men on February 13th, 1861, the 
Union of Italy was almost won. Cavour 
himself was not fated to see the further 
accomplishment of his wishes. He was 
attacked by a deadly illness not long after 
an exciting session of Parliament, in 
which GaribalcU heaped bitter reproaches 
on his head. In his delirium he dreamed 
of the future of his country. He spoke of 
Garibaldi with great respect ; he said that 
he longed, as much as the general, to go 



to Rome and Venice. He spoke with 
animation of the desirabihty of reconcihng 
the Pope with Italy. When his confessor 
Giacopo handed him the sacrament on 
June 6th, 1861, he said to him : " Brother, 
brother, a free Church in a free state " 
(" Frate, frate, Ubera chiesa in hbero 
stato "). These were his last words. 
, No problem had engrossed 
_ . the maker of Italy in the last 

^ . months of his life so much as 

the Roman question. There 
was a section of his friends who considered 
it necessary to yield Rome to the Pope, 
in order that the secular power of the 
papacy might remain undisturbed. Such 
was the idea of D'Azegho. Stefano J acini 
thought that Rome, on the model of the 
Hanse towns, might be turned into a 
Free State, where the Pope might main- 
tain his residence in the character of 
a protector and suzerain. 

Cavour, on the contrary, was convinced 
that Italy without its natural capital was 
an incomplete structure. He would have 
granted the Pope the most favourable con- 
ditions if the latter would have met the 
wishes of the Italians. The Throne of Peter, 
which so many able statesmen had filled 
in the past, was now held by Pius IX., a 
child-like, religious nature, who allowed 
himself to be enmeshed by the irreconcil- 
able ideas of Giacomo Antonelli and the 
Jesuits, and by his obstinacy proved the 
greatest obstacle to the union of Italy. 

In spite of repeated pressure from the 
Emperor Napoleon, he refused to admit 
the introduction of reforms in the adminis- 
tration of the Papal States, or to conciliate 
The P ^^^® national feelings of the 

an Obstacl Italians. Victor Emmanuel, 
to Union even before his march into the 
States of the Church, professed 
his readiness to recognise the papal sove- 
reignty within the old territorial limits, 
provided that the Curia transferred to 
him the vicariate over the provinces taken 
from it. It was an equally beneficial 
circumstance for the infant state that 
the Pope, by rei)udiating liberty of con- 
science and free political institutions in his 

Encyclical of December 8th, 1864, and in 
the Syllabus, Syllabus coniplectens praci- 
puos noslrcB cBtatis errores, outraged the 
sensibilities even of those Catholics who 
wished for the maintenance of the tem- 
poral power, but did not wish to plunge 
back into mediaevalism. Liberal ideas 
would not have been able to continue their 
victorious progress between i860 and 1870 
in the Catholic countries of Austria, Italy, 
and France if the Papal Chair had not 
involuntarily proved their best ally. 

Baron Bettino Ricasoli, the successor 
of Cavour, thought that he acted in his 
predecessor's spirit when he made dazzling 
proposals to the Pope, on condition that 
the latter should recognise the status quo. 
Ricasoli proposed a treaty, which not 
merely assured all the rights of the papal 
primacy, but offered Pius, as a reward 
for his conciliatoriness, the renunciation 
by the king of all his rights as patron, 
especially that of the appointment of the 
G h \d' bishops. By this the Pope 
w ^ 'a A would have completely ruled the 
in B ttl Church of Italy ; and that State 
would have been deprived of 
a sovereign right, which not merely 
Louis XIV., but Philip II. of Spain and 
Ferdinand II. of Austria, would never 
have allowed themselves to lose. In place 
of any answer the cardinal secretary, 
Antonelli, declared, in the official " Gior- 
nale di Roma," that the proposal of 
Ricasoli was an unparalleled effrontery. 

This unfortunate attempt overthrew the 
Ministry of Ricasoli, and under his 
successor, Rattazzi, Garibaldi hoped to 
be able to carry out his design against 
Rome. He mustered his volunteers in 
Sicily, and landed with 2,000 men on 
the coast of Calabria ; but the Govern- 
ment was in earnest when it announced 
that it would oppose his enterprise by 
arms. Garibaldi, wounded by a bullet 
in the right foot, was forced to lay 
down his arms after a short battle at 
Aspromonte on August 2gth, 1862. The 
road to Rome was not opened to the 
Italians until the power of France was 
overthrown by the victories of Germany. 











CAVOUR, on his death-bed, spoke un- 
ceasingly of the future of his country, 
and thus expressed himself about Ger- 
many : " This German Federation is an 
absurdity ; it will break up, and the union 
of Germany will be established. But the 
House of Hapsburg cannot alter itself. 
What will the Prussians do, who are so 
slow in coming to any conclusions ? 
They will need fifty years to effect what 
we have created in three years." This 
was the idea of the future which the 
dying statesman, to whom the name of 
Bismarck was still probably unknown, 
pictured to himself. It is quite possible 
that German}^ notwithstanding its effi- 
ciency and its culture, would have re- 
quired, without Bismarck, another half- 
century for its union. King Frederic 
William I. had possessed an efficient army, 
without being able to turn it to account, 
as his great son did. Twice the tools 
were procured and ready before 
the master workman appeared 

of King 
William I. 

on the scene who knew how 
to use them. We know pre- 
cisely the goal which King William I. 
put before himself in the German 
question before Bismarck became his 
Minister. The plans which, as Prince 
Regent, he unfolded to the Emperor Francis 
Joseph at the conference at Toplitz, 
towards the end of July, i860, were modest. 
He was prepared to form an alliance 
with Austria which would have guaranteed 
to that country its existing dominions, 
thus including Venice. In return he 
required a change in the presidency of the 
GeiTnan Federation as well as the com- 
mand in the field over the troops of North 
Germany in future federal wars ; the 
supreme command in South Germany 
was to fall to Austria. Thus, for the 
future there would be no possibility of 
the Fedeiation choosing a general for 
itself, as Austria had desired on June 6th, 
1859, when Germany armed against 
Napoleon III. Prussia was bound to 

prevent a majority in the Federation 
deciding the question of the supreme 
command of its army. Neither William 
I. nor his Ministers then aimed at the 
subjugation of Germany. But even those 
claims wsre rejected by Austria. Francis 
, Joseph declared that the presi- 
w * k f^^ ^ dency in the Federation was 
. ^ an old prerogative of his house, 

^^^ and therefore unassailable. On 
the other matter no negative answer 
was returned, and negotiations were 
opened with the Federal Diet ; but 
Austria was certain that the Assembly 
would reject the proposition. 

If we leave out of sight the army 
reforms, the inestimable work of William 
I., we shall observe, until the appearance 
of Bismarck on the scene, serious vaciha- 
tion in the home policy no less than in 
the foreign policy of Prussia. When the 
Prince Regent became the representative 
of King Frederic WiUiam IV., he issued 
on October gth, 1858, a programme which 
announced in cautious language the breach 
with the reactionary method of govern- 
ment. The avoidance of- all canting 
piety produced a beneficial impression ; 
but there were only platitudes on the 
German question, among others the phrase : 
" Prussia must make moral conquests 
in Germany." When the Prince Regent 
soon afterwards summoned a Ministry of 
moderate Liberals, with Prince Anton von 
Hohenzollern at its head, public opmion 
breathed more freely, and the dawn of 
a " new era " was expected. The name of 
Count Maximilian Schwerin, Minister of the 
. . Interior, seemed to guarantee 

Prussia m ^ broad-minded policy of 
,, reform. Count Alexander 

the Dawn of 

a " New Era 

von Schleinitz, the Minister 
of Foreign Affairs, was, on the contrary, 
still firmly attached to the old system. 

The Prussian people meantime under- 
stood the good intention, and the new elec- 
tions to the Chamber brought a majority 
of moderate Liberals which was prepared 



to support the Government. A number 
of Liberal leaders intentionallj^ refrained 
from standing, in order not to arouse 
in the Prince Regent misgivings lest a 
repetition of the state of things in 1848 
was intended. The leading figure in the 
Chamber, which met in January, 1859, 
was Vincke, whose loyalty was beyond 
suspicion. Commendable political wisdom 
was shown in this moderation on the part 
of the constituencies. As a matter of 
fact, the new Government introduced 
schemes of reform touching the abolition 
of the land-tax privileges of the nobihty 
and the abolition of the police powers 
of the owners of knight-estates. Great 
efforts were expended to 
induce the Upper House, 
where the Conservatives 
possessed a majority, to 
accept the reforms. In 
a matter of German 
politics, where the con- 
science of the people 
chimed in, the new era 
fulfilled the expectations 
formed of it. Prussia 
spoke boldly in the 
Federal Diet on behalf of 
the restoration of the 
constitution of Electoral 
Hesse, which had been 
meanly curtailed. The 
Government could not 
rise superior to these 
attacks. The Prince 
Regent was unable to 
bring himself to make a 
clean sweep of a set of 
unpopular high officials, 
who had been much to 

He was born in 1797, and on the death of 
his brother, Frederic William IV., succeeded 
... . to the throne of Prussia, being the seventh 

blame m the reactionary king of that country, and on January 18th, 
period for open violations '^''' ^^' P'-o^^'aimed first German Emperor. 

of the laws. The revolt of Italy had a 
great and immediate effect on the German 
people. The founding of the National 
Society, with Rudolf von Bennigsen at 
its head, in July, 1859, was a direct con- 
sequence of the Italian war. The society 
aimed at the union of all German-speaking 
races outside the Austrian Empire under 
the leadership of a Liberal Prussia. The 
Regent, far from being encouraged, felt 
alarmed by the events in Italy ; the re- 
volutionary rising in Naples and Garibaldi's 
march repelled him. He could not con- 
vince himself that the national will was 
entitled to override legitimist rights. 
His whole policy, both at home and 


abroad, was thus stamped by conservatism 
and uncertainty. The Austrian Minister, 
Rechberg, at the conferences of the 
Emperor Francis Joseph with the Prince 
Regent and with the Tsar at Toplitz and 
Warsaw, succeeded in confirming these 
two monarchs in the conviction that they, 
too, were threatened by the national and 
Liberal tendencies. Austria was no longer 
isolated in that respect as in 1859. 

All these circumstances co-operated to 
close the ears of the Prussian people when 
the king, who succeeded his brother on the 
throne on January 2nd, 1861, came before 
the Chamber with the plan of army reform. 
William I. was superior to the majority of 
his German contempor- 
aries in recognising that 
a comprehensive Prussian 
policy could only be 
carried out with a strong 
army. Leopold von 
Ranke says of a con- 
versation which he had 
with the king on June 
13th, i860: "The sum 
of his resolution was . . . 
to leave the German 
princes undisturbed in 
their sovereignty, but to 
effect a union in military 
matters which would con- 
duce to a great and general 
efficiency. He fully 
grasped the idea that the 
military power comprised 
in itself the sovereignty." 
As long before as the 
preparations which might 
have led to a war with 
Austria in 1850, the 
prince was convinced that 
the Prussian army, which 
nominally, on a war footing, numbered 
200,000 men with the colours and 400,000 
in the Landwehr, was not sufficient for 
protracted campaigns. The existing organ- 
isation had been formed in the critical 
times when the distrust of Napoleon I. 
and vexatious treaty obligations compelled 
Prussia to keep up a small peace army. 
Under the financial stress of the period 
subsequent to 1815, she was forced to 
continue with this defensive army, which 
in comparison with that of other military 
states was much weaker than the army 
which Frederic II. had raised in his far 
smaller kingdom. The mobilisation of 1859 
had shown serious deficiencies in every 




direction. Besides this the Prince Regent 
even then, in order to remedy the most 
crying evils, had instituted an important 
reform on his own authority. Hitherto 
there had been few or no permanent staffs 
for the Landwehr regiments ; so that on a 
fresh mobihsation the troops could not 
be placed in the ranks as soon as they were 
called out, but had first to be formed into 
regiments. Such a state of things seems 
incredible at the present day. 

At the demobilisation of 1859, the Prince 
Regent directed that the recently formed 
staffs of the Landwehr regiments should be 
kept up. This change could not, however, 
go far enough ; for since the members of 
the Landwehr were bound to be dismissed, 
those staffs consisted mostly of officers 
only, and were not sufficient to form the 
basis of a powerful new organisation. The 
attention of William L was now directed 
to this point. But the War Minister of the 
day, Bonin, was too timid to undertake 
the responsibility of the necessary mea- 
sures, and on December 5th, 1859, Roon 
had to be summoned in his place. 

The new proposal came -before the 
Prussian Diet on February loth, i860. 
One of the great drawbacks of the existing 
constitution of the army 
lay in the fact that, 
while annually, on the 
average, 155,650 men 
reached their twentieth 
year, only 20,000 men 
were enrolled in the army. 
Thus twenty-six per cent, 
of the young men capable 
of bearing arms bore the 
whole burden of military 
service, which was 
especially heavy, since 
the obligation to serve 
in the Landwehr lasted 
to the thirty-ninth year. 
The consequence of this 
was that in the first levy 
of the Landwehr one-half 
of the total numbers, and 
in the second levy five- 
sixths, were married men. 
The number of men liable to serve had 
remained the same for more than forty 
years, although the- population of the 
country had increased from ten to eigjiteen 
millions. The obligatory period of service 
in the standing army, three years with the 
colours, two years in the reserve, was too 
short for the body of the army. The 


the Army 
of Prussia 

Among the Ministry of moderate Liberals 
summoned by the Prince Regent in 1858 was 
Count Schwerin, Minister of the Interior; a 
"new era" was confidently anticipated, and 
the public looked to Schwerin for reforms. 

government therefore proposed to levy 
annually, instead of 40,000 men, 60,000 
men — forty per cent., that is, of all those 
liable to serve ; while in return the obliga- 
tion to serve in the Landwehr was to last 
only to the age of thirty-five years. Besides 
this, the three years' service in the reserve 
was to be raised to five years. 

This change signified a considerable 
strengthening of the standing army and 
a reduction of the Landwehr. This is 
shown by the figures of the full war 
footing which it was hoped to 
reach. The army was intended 
henceforth to consist of 371,000 
men with the colours, 126,000 
men in the reserve, and 163,000 in the 
Landwehr. The scheme demanded the 
attention of the Diet in two respects. 
On the one side a money grant was 
necessary, since it was impossible to 
enrol the numerous new corps in the old 
regiments, and thirty-nine new line regi- 
ments had to be raised. An annual sum, 
£1,350,000 sterling, was required for the 
purpose. Besides this, the existing law as 
to military service required to be consider- 
ably modified. This applied not merely 
to the division of the period of service 
between the standing 
army and the Landwehr, 
but also concerned the 
length of compulsory 
active service. At that 
time, in order to spare 
the finances, the soldiers 
were often dismissed after 
serving two or two and a 
half years. King William 
did not consider this 
period sufficient, and de- 
manded the extension of 
the period of service to 
three, and in the case of 
the cavalry to four, years. 
Measures of no less im- 
portance had then been 
taken with regard to the 
tactics of the infantry. 
After the war of 1859, 
there arose the question 
of the conclusions to be drawn from the 
experiences of the Italian campaign. The 
defensive methods of the Austrians had 
proved inferior to the offensive tactics of 
the more dashing French. The French 
had often succeeded, in infantry combats, 
in rushing with an impetuous charge under 
the Austrian bullets, which had a very 


curved trajectory, and in thus winning the 
day. For this reason it was the ordinary 
belief in the Austrian army that defensive 
tactics must once for all be given up. 

The successes ot the French were over- 
estimated, and there was a return in 
the years 1859-66 to " shock tactics " ; 
these attached little importance to the 
preliminary musketry — 
engagement, and con- 
sisted in firing a few ' 
volleys and then charging 
with the bayonet. Many 
voices even in the 
Prussian army advocated 
a similar plan. Colonel 
Ollech was sent by the 
Prussian General Staff to 
France in August, 1859, 
in order to investigate 
the condition of the 
French army. He re- 
turned strongly preju- 
diced in favour of the 
system of shock tactics, 
and advised the king to 
issue an order, in con- 
nection with a similar 
order issued by Frederic 
the Great for the cavalry, that " every 
infantry commander would be brought 
before a court-martial who lost a position 
without having met the attack of the 
enemy by a counter attack." 

King William was at all times clever in 
discovering prominent men for leading 
positions. The chief of the General Staff, 
Lieutenant-General Helmuth von Moltke, 
clearly saw the risk of this advice. In his 
remarks on Ollech's report he laid great 
weight on the attacking spirit in an army ; 
but he recognised correctly that the needle- 
, gun, introduced in 1847, secured 
p . ... the Prussians the advantage 
rincip e m -^ ^^^^ musketry fighting, and 

that in ■ the reorganisation of 
the army stress should be laid on that 
point. Moltke's principle was that the 
infantry should make the fullest use of 
their superior firing power at the beginning 
of the battle, and should for that purpose 
select open country, where the effect of 
fire is the greatest. An advance should not 
be made before the enemy's infantry were 
shattered, and in this movement attacks 
on the enemy's flank were preferable. 
The Prussians fought in 1866 with these 
superior tactics, and they owed to them 
a great part of the successes which they 

Professor of History at Berlin from 1825 till 
1872, Leopold von Ranke was the author of 
many works dealing with European history. 

achieved. The Prussian Landtag did not 
mistake the value of the proposals made 
by the Government, but raised weighty 
objections. The majority agreed to the 
extension of the annual recruiting, to the 
increase of the officers and under-officers, 
and to the discharge of the older members 
of the Landwehr. On the other hand, the 
• great diminution in the 
number of the Landwehr 
on a war footing, and the 
I resulting reduction of 
their importance, but 
especially the three-years' 
compulsory service, 
aroused vigorous oppo- 
sition. General Staven- 
hagen, who gave evidence 
for the proposal, char- 
acterised the two-years' 
service as sufficient. The 
Government recognised 
that it could not carry 
the Bill relating to com- 
pulsory service, and 
therefore withdrew it. It 
was content to demand 
an increase of 9,000,000 
thalers — £1,350,000 
sterling — in the war Budget, in order to 
carry out the increase of the regiments. 
The Finance Minister, Baron von Patow, 
explained in the name of the Government 
that the organisation thus created was 
provisional, and would not assume a 
definite character until the Government 
and the popular representatives had agreed 
about the law itself. The Old Liberal 
maj ority of the Chamber of Representatives 
adopted this middle course, and sanctioned 
the required increase. Thus the yearly 
budget for the army was raised to 
32,800,000 thalers — £4,920,000 sterling, or, 
roughly, a quarter of the entire revenue of 
130,000,000 thalers — £19,500,000 sterling. 
This expedient was manifestly illusory. 
The king at once ordered the disbanding 
of thirty-six regiments of Landwehr, 
whose place was taken by an equal 
number of line regiments. Altogether 
117 new battalions and twelve new 
squadrons were formed. Obviously the 
king, who presented colours and badges 
to the new regiments on January i8th, 
1861, in front of the monument of Frederic 
the Great, could not disband these newly 
formed units or dismiss their officers. 
The Chamber of Representatives became, 
in fact, suspicious, but agreed to the 



irxreased army budget once more for the 
next year. Since the elections to the 
Landtag were imminent, the final decision 
stood over for the new House. 

It would be a mistake to treat the events 
which followed in the ordinary manner, 
relating how the king 
was prudent but the 
Chamber petty in the 
army question, and how 
in this struggle the 
wisdom of the Regent 
fortunately prevailed 
over the meddlesomeness 
of the professional poli- 
ticians. The state of 
affairs was quite other- 
wise. The dispute in the 
matter itself was not 
indeed beyond settle- 
ment. In case of necessity 
it would have been 
possible to arrive at a 
compromise as to the 
amount of compulsory 
service, and the Prussian 
army would hardly have 
been less effective if 
the two-years' military 
service had been intro- 
duced then and not post- 
poned until after the 
death of Emperor 
Wihiam I. This consideration does not in 
any way lessen the credit due to the king. 

But, as the new elections showed, there 
was another and greater issue at stake. 
The influence of Liberal ideas in Europe 
was precisely then at its height, and public 
opinion tended towards the view that the 
royal power in Prussia must be checked, 
exactly as it had been in that model 
parliamentary state, England. The citizen 
class had then, it was thought, come to 
years of maturity, and it possessed a right 
to take the place of the monarchy and 
nobility in the power hitherto enjoyed by 
them. At the new elections, on December 
6th, 1861, the Progressive party, in which 
the members of the movement of 1848 
assumed the lead, was formed in opposition 
to the Old Liberals, who had left their 
stamp on the former Chamber. This 
political group had not yet the whole 
electorate on its side ; it carried a hundi'ed 
seats, barely a third of the whole Assembly. 
The Old Liberals felt themselves mean- 
while outstripped, especially since the 
king no longer extended his confidence to 


Entering the Prussian array n 1^21, he re- 
vealed a thorough grasp of military matters, 
and his reorganisation of the army found 
brilliant justification in the success of the 
national arms in the wars of 1866 and 1870-1. 
I'roin a pliotOi^caph 

the Liberal Ministers, who were defeated 
on the army question. While this 
change was being effected among the 
citizen class, the nobility and the 
Conservative party on the other hand, 
who had been greatly chagrined at being 
dismissed from the helm 
of state after the assump- 
tion of the regency by 
the prince, put forward 
their claim not less reso- 
lutely. The great services 
of the Prussian nobility 
to the army and the ci\nl 
service, to which, both 
ii before and after, it sup- 
plied first - class men, 
could not, of course, be 
disputed. But to justifi- 
able pride at this fact 
was joined such intense 
class prejudice that even 
a man like Roon could 
not for a long time bring 
himself to recognise the 
justification of an elected 
representation of the 
people. General Man- 
teuffel, as chief of the 
royal military cabinet, 
worked with him in the 
same spirit. Ernst von 
Gerlach and Hermann 
Wagener represented in the " Kreuz- 
zeitung " similar views. Karl Twesten, 
one of the most prominent members of 
the Liberal party, called General Man- 
teuffel a mischievous man in a mis- 
chievous position — ^^a taunt which Man- 
teuffel answered by a challenge to a duel, 
in which Twesten was wounded. 

The Liberal ^Ministers saw with concern 
how the king inclined more and more 
towards the paths of the Conservative 
party. They counselled him, in 
view of the impending struggle 
over the military question, to 
conciliate public opinion by 
undertaking reforms in various depart- 
ments of the legislature. Roon vigorously 
opposed this advice, which he saw to 
be derogatory to the Crown. He induced 
the king on March ist, 1861, to adjourn 
these Bills, which had already been settled 
upon. He unceasingly urged the king 
to dismiss his Liberal colleagues and to 
adopt strong measures. In a memorial 
laid before the king, dated April, 1861, 
he wrote of the Hohenzollern-Schwerin 

Advice to 
the King 


in Power 

Cabinet, in which, nevertheless, he himself 
had accepted a seat, that "it is only 
compatible with the pseudo-monarchy of 
Belgium, England, or of Louis Philippe, 
not with a genuinely Prussian monarchy 
by the grace of God, with a monarchy 
according to your ideas. People have 
tried to intimidate your Majesty by the 
loud outcry of the day. All the unfortunate 
monarchs of whom history tells have so 
fared ; the phantom ruined them, simply 
because they believed in it." 
The opposition was apparent 
as soon as the new Chamber 
assembled on January 14th, 
1862. Opponents of the proposal were 
elected on the commission for. discussing 
the Army Bill in a large majority. When 
the Budget was discussed, a resolution 
was adopted which called for more precise 
details of the state finances. This was a 
reasonable demand, and was soon after- 
wards conceded by Bismarck. But the 
Conservative advisers of the king then 
stigmatised the wish as an encroachment 
on the rights of the Crown, and the 
Chamber of Representa- 
tives was dissolved on 
March i8th, 1862, after 
a short term of life. At 
the same time the Liberal 
Ministry was dismissed. 
Its place was taken by 
a Cabinet in which 
officials preponderated, 
but which, on the whole, 
bore a Conservative 
character. It is certainly 
to the credit of Roon and 
Manteuffel that their in- 
fluence on the king paved 
the way for Bismarck. 
But they made the be- 
ginning of his term of 
office more difficult for 
the great Minister, since 
he was at once drawn 
into the most violent 
antagonism to popular 
representation. The 
question must be raised 
whether Prussia, with 
her great military and 
intellectual superiority, 
would not have obtained the same results 
if there had been no such rupture with 
public opinion. The Crown Prince Frederic 
WiUiam held this view, and it was shared 
not only by Albert, the English Prince 

The only son of William I., he married Vic- 
toria, Princess Royal of England, in 1858. A 
man of courage, he opposed the reactionary 
policy of Bismarck, and fought with distinc- 
tion in the various wars waged by Prussia. 
From a photoj^raph 

Consort, but also by the king's son-in-law, 
the Grand Duke Frederic of Baden, who 
just then was reforming his country with 
the help of the Liberal Ministers, Baron 
Franz von Roggenbach and Karl Mathy. 
Men of a similar type would have gladly 
co-operated to help King William to gain 
the imperial crown. King William him- 
self felt that, in consequence of his quarrel 
with the Chamber, many sincere friends of 
Prussia were mistaken as to his country's 
German mission. This point was em- 
phasised even in the National Assembly. 

In order to counteract this tendency, 
the king had appointed Bernstorff, who 
advocated the union of Germany under 
the leadership of Prussia, to be Minister 
of Foreign Affairs in the place of Schleinitz, 
who held legitimist views. Bernstorff 
adopted, in fact, most vigorous measures, 
M'hen several states of the German Zoll- 
verein, on the conclusion of the Free-Trade 
commercial treaty with France, threatened 
that they would in consequence withdraw 
from the Zollverein. They found a sup- 
porter in Austria, who would gladly have 
broken up the Zollverein ; 
but they were forced to 
yield to Prussia, since 
their own economic 
interests dictated their 
continuance in the Zoll- 
verein. Bernstorff 
furthermore, in a note 
addressed to the German 
courts on December 20th, 
1861, announced as a 
programme the claim of 
Prussij^ to the leadership 
of Lesser Germany. By 
this step the Berlin 
Cabinet reverted to the 
policy of union which 
had been given up in 
1850. The party of 
Greater Germany col- 
lected its forces in oppo- 
sition. Austria resolved 
to anticipate Prussia by 
a tangible proposition to 
the Diet, and proposed 
federal reforms : that a 
directory with corre- 
sponding central autho- 
rity should be established, and by its side 
an assembly of delegates from the popular 
representatives of the several states. But, 
before this proposal should be agreed to, 
steps were to be taken to elaborate a 



of Radical 

common system of civil procedure and con- 
tract law for the whole of Germany. Both 
the Prussian note and the Austrian pro- 
posal met with opposition and a dissentient 
majority in the Federal Diet at Frank- 
fort, for the secondary states did not 
wish to relinquish any part of their 
sovereignty in favour of either the Prus- 
sian or the Austrian Govern- 
^/ol'l.l^rr iTient. The necessary con- 
dition for the success of the 
Prussian policy would have 
been a majority in a German Parliament 
on the side of Prussia, as in 1849. But Bern- 
storff, although in his heart he favoured 
the plan, could not advise the king to 
summon a National Assembly, because, as 
things then stood, its majority would 
have approved of the opposition of the 
Prussian progressive party. 

In the new elections to the Chamber of 
Representatives Radical Liberalism gained 
the greatest number of seats. The two 
sections of this party numbered together 
235 members — two-thirds, that is, of the 
352 representatives of the Landtag ; the 
Old Liberals under the leadership of 
Vincke had dwindled to 23 votes. The new 
majority gladly accepted the challenge 
fiung to them ; for the idea, which Roon 
had erroneously termed the ultimate goal 
even of the moderate Liberals, was actively 
dominant among them. They wished for 
no compromise, biit aimed at the subordi- 
nation of the king to the Parliament. The 
examples of England and Belgium domi- 
nated their plans in every detail. 

The army question became the out- 
ward pretext on which the two consti- 
tutional theories came into conflict with 
each other. Since the king did not con- 
cede the two years' compulsory service, 
which the .Chamber demanded as a con- 
dition of the army reform, the House 
resolved, on September 23rd, 1862, to 
strike out entirely -the costs oS the 
reform, which was tantamount to dis- 
banding the new regiments. 
^ ° Li this way a humiliation was 

th^'ic'" ^^^^ *^^ ^^^® l-^ii^g. which was 
"^^ intended to bend or break him. 
King William was resolved rather to 
lay down the Crown than to submit to a 
compulsion by which, according to his 
view, he would have been degraded to 
the position of a puppet ruler. He 
seriously contemplated this step, when the 
Ministry of Hohenlohe, seeing no way out 
of the difficulty, asked to be dismissed. 


The king doubted whether men would be 
found bold enough to confront the Cham- 
ber of Representatives. Whenever Roon 
and Manteuffel had formerly spoken of 
Bismarck, the king had hesitated to en- 
trust the government to a man whom he 
considered to be a hot-head. Now, he told 
Roon, Bismarck would no longer enter- 
tain any wish to be at the head of affairs ; 
besides that, he happened to be on leave, 
travelling in Southern France. 

Roon, however, could assure the king 
that Bismarck, who had been already 
recalled, was prepared to enter the service 
of the king. vSoon afterwards the latter 
learned that Bismarck had, immediately on 
his return, paid a visit, by invitation, to 
the Crown Prince. King William's sus- 
picions were aroused by this, and he 
thought, " There is nothing to be done 
with him ; he has already been to my son." 

All doubts, however, were dissipated 
when Bismarck appeared before him and 
unfolded his scheme of government. The 
king showed him the deed of abdication, 
which he had already drafted, because, so 
he said, he could not find another Ministry. 
Bismarck encouraged him by 
the assurance that he intended 


p to stand by him in the struggle 

between the supremacy of the 
Crown and of Parliament. On the day when 
the Chamber of Representatives passed the 
resolution by which the monarch felt him- 
self most deeply wounded, on September 
23rd, 1862, the nomination of Bismarck as 
President of the Ministry was published. 

Bismarck's work is the establishment of 
the unity of Germany no less than the 
revival of the power of the monarchy 
and of all conservative forces in that 
country. His contemporaries have passed 
judgment upon him according to their 
political attitudes. Those who regarded 
the advancing democratisation of Great 
Britain and France as equally desirable 
for Germany, and as the ultimate goal of 
its development, were bound to see an 
opponent in the powerful statesman. A 
difficult legal question was put before 
Bismarck at the very outset of his 
activity. He counselled the king to 
disregard the Budget rights of the 
Chamber of Representatives. 

For the historical estimate of Bismarck 
it is not of primary importance whether 
the constitutional arguments which he 
employed on this occasion are tenable 
or not; this legal question must certainly 


be decided against him. He took his 
stand on the ground that the Budget 
was, according to the constitution, a 
law on which the Crown, the Upper 
Chamber, and the Chamber of Representa- 
tives must agree ; and that tlie authors of 
the Prussian constitution had on this point 
reversed the practice of England, where 
money grants are exclusively the province 
of the Lower House. They had not pro- 
vided for the event that the three might 
not be able to agree and the law could thus 
not be passed ; there was therefore an 
omission. But since the state could not 
stand still, a constitutional deadlock had 
resulted, which would be fatal unless 
the Budget for the year were provided 
by the arbitrary action of the Crown. 

The consequence of this theory was 
that the Crown could enforce all the 
larger Budget demands, even though 
the two Chambers had pronounced in 
favour of the smaller sum. From this 
point of view every theory turned on the 
exercise of the powers of the constitu- 
tional authorities. In the great speech in 
which the Prussian Minister-President 
_. , explained his views, he con- 

DaTtrour fronted the Chamber with his 

angcrous pQ^i^ica^l principles : " The 

Declaration £v • ^ f , , , 

Prussian monarchy has not yet 

fulfilled its mission ; it is not yet ripe to 
form a purely ornamental decoration of the 
fabric of your constitution, nor to be in- 
corporated into the mechanism of parlia- 
mentary rule as an inanimate piece of the 
machinery." Even the king wavered for 
a moment when Bismarck in the Budget 
commission of the Chamber of Representa- 
tives, September 30th, 1862, made his 
famous assertion that " the union of 
Germany could not be effected by speeches, 
societies, and the resolutions of majorities ; 
a grave struggle was necessary, a struggle 
that could only be carried through by 
blood and iron." Even Roon considered 
this phrase as dangerous. 

The state was administered for four 
years without a constitutionally settled 
Budget. The Chamber of Representatives 
declared this procedure illegal, and great 
excitement prevailed throughout the 
country. In order to suppress the oppo- 
sition, strict enactments were published 
on June ist, 1863, which were directed 
against the freedom of the Press and of the 
societies. At this period the Crown Prince 
Frederic William joined the opponents 
of Bismarck, because he thought the 

The Crown 
Prince Criticises 

procedure of the Ministers might provoke 
a new revolution in Prussia. He made a 
speech on June 5th, in the town hall at 
Danzig when receiving the municipal 
authorities, which was directed against the 
Government : "I, too, regret that I have 
come here at a time when a quarrel, of 
which I have been in the highest 
degree surprised to hear, 
has broken out between 
the Government and the 
people. I know nothing 
of the enactments which have brought 
about this result." The Crown Prince at 
the same time sent a memorandum to the 
king to the same effect ; but on June 30th 
he wrote to the Minister-President a letter 
full of indignation and contempt, which 
would have shaken the resolution of any 
other man than Bismarck : " Do you believe 
that you can calm men's minds by con- 
tinual outrages on the feeling of legality ? 
I regard the men who lead his Majesty 
the king, my most gracious father, into 
such paths as the most dangerous 
counsellors for Crown and country." 

The king was deeply hurt at the public 
appearances of his son ; he contemplated 
harsh measures against him, and Bismarck 
was compelled to dissuade him from his 
purpose. The Minister reminded the king 
that in the quarrel between Frederic 
William I. and his son the sympathy of 
the times, as well as of posterity, had been 
with the son ; and he showed the inad vis- 
ability of making the Crown Prince a 
martyr. Thus the situation in Prussia 
seemed to be strained to the breaking 
point. The Representative Chamber 
adopted in 1863, by a large majority, the 
resolution that Ministers should be liable 
out of their private fortune for any 
expenditure beyond the Budget. 

It is marvellous with what independence 
and intellectual vigour Bismarck guided 
foreign policy in the midst of these com- 
motions. We need only examine the pages 

. , of history from 1850 to 1862 
Prussia s ^^ ^^^ ^j^^^.^y j^^^^, ^^^^i^ 

. u.*^.^ Prussia counted as a European 
,n History p^^^^. j^ ^^^^^^^ -^ ^^^_ 

sequence of the vacillation of Frederic 
William IV., a feeble role, especially at 
the time of the Crimean War. Even later, 
when William I. was governing the country 
as prince regent and as king, Cavour, 
who was continually forced to rack his 
brains with the possibilities which might 
effect a change in the policy of France and 



Austria, Great Britain and Russia, hardly 
took Prussia into consideration. That 
state, during the Itahan crisis of i860, had 
httle more weight than a Power of the 
second rank — only about as much as 
Spain, of which it was occasionally said 
that it would strengthen or relieve the 
French garrison in Rome with its troops. 
Great as are the services of 
King William to the army and 

an Object of 

the State of Prussia, he could 
not have attained such great 
successes without a man like Bismarck. 
Considering the feebleness of Prussia, 
which had been the object of ridicule 
for years, every one was, at first, surprised 
by the vigorous language of Bismarck. 
When, in one of the earliest Cabinet 
councils, he broached the idea that Prussia 
must watch for an opportunity of acquir- 
ing Schleswig-Holstein, the Crown Prince 
raised his hands to heaven, as if the orator 
had uttered some perfectly foolish thing, 
and the clerk who recorded the proceed- 
ings thought he would be doing a favour 
to Bismarck if he omitted the words ; the 
latter was obliged to make the additional 
entry in his own writing. 

The newspapers and political tracts of 
that time almost entirely ridicule the atti- 
tude of the new Minister, whom no one 
credited with either the serious intention or 
the strength to carry out his programme. 
His contemporaries were therefore only 
confirmed in their contempt for him when, 
on November 26th, 1862, he suddenly ended 
the constitutional struggle in Electoral 
Hesse, which had lasted several decades, 
by sending an orderly to the Elector 
Frederic William, with the peremptory 
command that he should give back to the 
country the constitution of 1831. 

And now came his amazing conversation 
with the Austrian Ambassador, Count Aloys 
Karolyi. Austria, shortly before, without 
coming to terms with Prussia, had brought 
before the Assembly in Frankfort the pro- 

. I .. r posal already mentioned for 
Bombshell of ^ -^ 

the "Terrible 


,, federal I'eform. Bismarck, in 
that conversation, taunted 

Austria with having deviated 
from the method of Prince Metternich, 
who came *.o a previous arrangement with 
Prussia as to all measures concerning 
German affairs ; and he declared to the 
count that Austria would soon have to 
choose between the alternatives of vacating 
Germany and shifting its political centre 
to the east, or of finding Prussia in the 


next war on the side of its opponents. 
This assertion fell like a bombshell on 
Vienna. Count Rechberg was not so 
wrong when he talked of the " terrible " 
Bismarck, who was capable of doing any- 
thing for the greatness of Prussia. 

The two great parties in Germany were 
organised at the precise moment when 
Bismarck entered upon office. A Diet of 
representatives from the different German 
Parliaments, which was attended by some 
200 members, met at Weimar on Sep- 
tember 28th, 1862. This assembly de- 
manded the svimmons of a German 
Parliament by free popular election, and 
the preliminary concentration of non- 
Austrian Germany ; to begin v/ith, at 
any rate, Austria would have to remain 
outside the more restricted confederation. 
This assembly and the activity of the 
National Society led on the other side to 
the formation of the Greater Germany 
Reform Society, which came into existence 
at Frankfort. It demanded a stricter 
consolidation of the German states under 
the leadership of Austria. The narrow 
particularism of the princes and their 
-, immediate followers, who were 

e rea cr ^j^^jjjjj^g ^q sacrifice for the 
ermany welfare of the whole body any 
Movement „ ,, . , r .-, ■ -,- 

of the sovereignty of the indi- 
vidual states, kept aloof from these efforts. 
Their underlying thought was expressed by 
the Hanoverian Minister, Otto, Count 
Borries, who, when opposing the efforts of 
the National Society on May ist, i860, 
went so far as to threaten that the 
secondary states would be forced into 
non-German alliances in order to safe- 
guard their independence. 

The Greater Germany movement gained 
adherents not merely by the constitutional 
struggle in Prussia but also by the move- 
ment towards liberalism in Austria. The 
absolute monarchy, which had ruled in 
Austria since 1849, ended with a defeat 
on the battlefield and the most complete 
financial disorder. The pressure of the 
harsh police regulations weighed all the 
more heavily, as the state organs, since the 
conclusion of the concordat with Rome, 
were put equally at the service of eccle- 
siastical purposes. The discontent of 
every nationality in the empire impelled 
the emperor, after Solferino, June 24th, 
1859, ^'^ make a complete change. It 
would have been the natural course of 
proceedings if the emperor had at once 
resolved to consolidate the unity of the 


Empire, which had been regained in 1849, 
by summoning a General Parhament. But 
the Crown, and still more the aristocracy, 
were afraid that in this imperial repre- 
sentation the German bourgeoisie would 
come forward with excessive claims. For 
this reason an aristocratic interlude 
followed. Count Goluchowski, a Pole, 
hitherto Governor of Galicia, became 
Minister of the Interior on August 2ist, 1859, 
while Count Rechberg, who had already 
succeeded Count Buol as Minister of the 
Interior and of the Imperial House on May 
17th, was given the post of President. 

The administrative business of the 
entire monarchy was, by the imperial 
manifesto of October 20th, i860, concen- 
trated in a new body, the National 
Ministry, at whose head Goluchowski was 
placed, while the conduct of Hungarian 
affairs was entrusted to Baron Nikolaus 
Bay and Count Nikolaus Szecsen ; at the 
same time orders were issued that the 
provincial councils — Landtage — and a 
council of the empire elected from them — 
Reichsrat — should be summoned. These 
bodies were, however, only to have a 
deliberative voice ; and besides 

Hungary on 
the Verge 
of Rebellion 

that, a preponderant influence 
in the provincial bodies was 

assigned to the nobility and the 
clergy. It was a still more decisive step 
that the members of the conservative 
Hungarian haute noblesse, in their aver- 
sion to German officialism, induced the 
emperor once more to entrust the adminis- 
tration of Hungary and the choice of 
officials to the assemblies of nobles, known 
as " county courts," as had been the case 
before the year 1848. These measures 
produced a totally different result from 
that anticipated by Bay and Szecsen. 

The meetings of the county courts, which 
had not been convened since 1849, were 
filled with a revolutionary spirit, and, 
while offering at once the most intense 
opposition, refused to carry out the 
enactments of the Ministers, because, so 
they alleged, the constitutionally elected 
Reichstag was alone entitled to sanction 
taxation ; and they chose officials who 
refused to collect taxes, or only did so in 
a dilatory fashion. The country in a few 
months bordered on a state of rebellion. 

As the Hungarian Ministers of the em- 
peror had plunged the Empire into this 
confusion, they were compelled to advise 
him to entrust a powerful personality 
from the ranks of the high German officials 

with the conduct of affairs, Anton 

von Schmerling was nominated Minister 

of Finance on December 17th, i860, 

in the place of Goluchowski. He won over 

the emperor to his view, which was 

unfavourable to the Hungarians, and 

carried his point as to maintaining one 

united constitution and the summoning 

TV w , of a central parliament. He 

The Magyars 1 i .1 ^^ i- ■, ^ 

p ... , proposed also that a limited 
iLxpectations of ^ ^ , , , , , , 

Independence ^^°P^ ^^^°"^^ ^^ conceded 
to the diets of the individual 
provinces. These were the fundamental 
principles of the constitution granted on 
February 26th, 1861. Schmerling deserves 
credit for having restored the prestige of 
the constitution in Hungary without blood- 
shed, even if severe measures were used. 

The county assemblies were dissolved, 
and trustworthy native officials sub- 
stituted for them. The vacillation of the 
emperor in i860 strengthened, however, 
the conviction of the Magyars that in the 
end the Crown would yield to their oppo- 
sition, and once more concede the inde- 
pendence of Hungary in the form in 
which it was won by the constitution of 
April, 1848. The leadership of this 
opposition in the Landtag summoned in 
1861 was taken by Franz Deak ; the 
Landtag, in the address which was agreed 
upon, refused to send representatives 
to the central Parliament, and complete 
independence was demanded for Hungary. 

Schmerling advanced unhesitatingly on 
the road which he had taken. At the 
same time he won great influence over the 
management of German affairs, and for 
some period was more powerful in that 
sphere than the Minister of the Exterior, 
Count Rechberg. The Matter considered it 
prudent to remain on good terms with 
Prussia, and not to stir up the German 
question. Schmerling, on the other hand, 
put higher aims before himself, and wished 
to give Germany the desired federal 
reform, and to strengthen Austria's influ- 
ence in Germany by the estab- 
hshment of a strong central 

Influence in 

_ power in Frankfort. He hoped 

ermany ^^ overcome the resistance of 
Prussia by help of the popular feeling in 
non-Prussian Germany. He enlisted 
confidence in Germany also by the intro- 
duction of constitutional forms in Austria. 
Austria tried to sweep the German 
princes along with her in one bold rush. 
The emperor, in deference to a suggestion 
of his brother-in-law, Maximilian, the 



hereditary prince of Thurn and Taxis, 
resolved to summon all German princes 
to a conference at Frankfort-on-Main, and 
to lay before them . his plan of reform. 
The King of Prassia 
in this matter was 
not treated differently 
from the pettiest and 
weakest of the Federal 
princes. The emperor 
communicated his in- 
tention to King William, 
at their meeting in 
Gastein on August 2nd, 
1863, and, without 
waiting for the stipu- 
lated written decision 
of the king, handed 
him by an adjutant on 
August 3rd the formal 
invitation to the Diet 
of Princes summoned 
for August i6th. 

The blow aimed by 
Austria led to a tem- 
porary success. Public 
opinion in South Ger 




^ -^^ 




1^ ^n-^ 

r X ^^B^H 




Under this king, who reigned from 1854 till 1873, and 

but made two additional proposals, which 
were not quite friendly to Prussia. He first 
induced the meeting to declare that it 
considered the Austrian proposals suitable 
as a basis for reform; 
and it was also, soon 
settled that the refusal 
of the King of Prussia 
was no obstacle to 
further deliberation. 
After these resolutions, 
which were taken on 
August iSth, King 
John went to Baden- 
Baden, in order to 
take the invitation to 
the King of Prussia. 

King William did 
not seem disinclined 
to accept the invi- 
tation, and said to 
Bismarck : " Thirty 
princes sending the 
invitation, and a king 
as Cabinet messenger, 
how can there be any 

uiiuer Liiis King, wiiu xcigiicu iiuiii loo-t till ±0. o, diiu . 1 -\ JJ o 4. TD ' 

who was distinguished for learning and culture, many rCIUSai . XjUL IjIS- 

many was aroused, and schemes for the betterment of the people of Saxony mai'ck saw that this 

in some places became ^"« introduced, while the army was reformed, gurprisc, planned by 

enthusiastic ; the sovereigns and princes 
gave their services to the Austrian reform. 
All this made a deep impression on King 
William ; the Bavarian queen, Marie, and 
her sister-in-law, the widow of King 
Frederic William IV., urged him on his 
journey from Gastein to Baden-Baden 
to show a conciliatory attitude towards 
the Austrian proposal. Never- 
theless he followed Bis- 
marck's advice, and kept 
away from the gieeting at 
Frankfort. The Emperor 
Francis Joseph made his 
entry into the Free Town 
amid the pealing of the bells 
and the acclamations of the 
inhabitants, who favoured 
the Austrian cause. He skil- 
fully presided over the debate 
of the princes, and King John 
of Saxony, 1854-1873, an 
experienced man of business 
and an eloquent speaker, anton von schmerling 

Austria, was a blow aimed at Prussia, 
and he would have felt deeply humiliated 
by the appearance of his monarch at 
Frankfort. Germany was to see that 
any alteration of the German constitu- 
tion must prove abortive from the mere 
opposition of Prussia. Bismarck required 
all his strength of will to induce William 
-J to refuse ; he declared that 
if the king commanded him, 
he would go with him to 
Frankfort, but that when 
the business was ended he 
would never return with him 
to Berlin as Minister. The 
king, therefore, took his 
advice. What Bismarck had 
foreseen now occurred. It 
is t ue that the Austrian 
proposal was in the end 
discussed and accepted, 
against the votes of Baden, 
Schwerin, Weimar, Luxem- 
burg, Waldeck, and the 

confuted the protests which thi" prestige ^rthl' consutudon younger line of Reuss. But 
were preferred by a small in Hungary without bloodshed, since the meeting only 

minority. The Grand Duke Frederic 
Francis II. of Mecklenburg-Schwerin pro- 
posed to invite King William to make the 
journey to Frankfort. King John assented, 

pledged itself in the event of an 
agreement with Prussia as the basis 
of these resolutions, Austria had failed 
in the achievement of her main result. 









ALL these debates and intrigues between 
Prussia and Austria sank into the 
background when the fate of ^chleswig- 
Holstein was destined to be decided 
by arms. The occasion for this was 
given by the death of the Danish king, 
Frederic VIL, on November 15th; 1863, 
with whom the main Une of the royal 
house became extinct. The collateral 
line of Holstein-Gliicksburg possessed the 
hereditary right to Denmark, while the 
House of Augustenburg raised claims to 
Schleswig-Holstein. All Germany thought 
that the moment had come to free Schles- 
wig-Holstein from the Danish rule by 
supporting the Duke of Augustenburg. 
The two great German Powers were, how- 
ever, pledged in another direction by the 
Treaty of London. 

Denmark had expressly engaged by that 
arrangement to grant Schleswig-Holstein 
an independent government ; on this 
basis the Great Powers on their 
side guaranteed the possession 

71"^ i- of the duchies to the King of 
the Duchies TA 1 J 11 1 • 

Denmark and all his suc- 
cessors. The two great German Powers 
were to blame for having compelled the 
inhabitants of Schleswig-Holstein in 1850 
to submit to Denmark. From hatred of 
Liberalism and all the mistakes it was sup- 
posed to have made in 1848, tliey destroyed 
any hopes which the inhabitants of 
Schleswig-Holstein might have formed for 
the future, after the royal house should 
have become extinct. Duke Christian of 
Augustenburg sold his hereditary rights to 
Denmark for 2,250,000 thalers — £500,000 — 
although his son Frederic protested. But 
Denmark did not think of fulfilling her 
promise. The German Federation was con- 
tent for years to remonstrate and propose 
a court of arbitration. Finally, the Federal 
Council resolved on armed intervention 
against Denmark. Hanoverian and Saxon 
troops occupied Holstein, but they were 
forced to halt on the Eider, as Schleswig 
did not belong to the Federation. 

In Copenhagen the Eider-Danish party 
drew peculiar conclusions from these 
circumstances ; since, they said, Schles- 
wig did not belong to the Federation, the 
Treaty of • London might be disregarded, 
the bond between Schleswig and Holstein 

_,_,,. dissolved, and Schleswig, at 
Duke Frederic , ^ 4. j ■ j. 

„. any rate, amalgamated mto 

^"^ *^ . the unified State of Denmark. 

Supporters^, , , . , 

1 hreatenmg crowds forced 

the new monarch. Christian IX., in spite 
of his superior insight, to consent to the 
united constitution. The Treaty of London 
was to all intents and purposes broken. 
The claim of Duke Frederic of Augusten- 
burg to Schleswig-Holstein was thus unani- 
mously applauded by the popular voice of 
Germany. He declared himself ready to 
follow loyally the democratic constitution 
which the duchies had given themselves in 
1848, and surrounded his person with 
liberal counsellors. A large proportion of 
the governments of the petty German 
states recognised the duke as the heir, 
and the majority of the Federal Council 
decided in his favour. 

Prussia and Austria, indeed, as signa- 
tories of the Treaty of London, felt them- 
selves bound by it towards Europe. They 
possessed, according to it, the right to 
compel Denmark to grant to the duchies 
independence and union under one sove- 
reign ; but they could exempt themselves 
from recognising the hereditary right of 
King Christian IX. Austria in particular, 
whose stability rested on European treaties, 
did not venture to admit that the right of 
nationality could undo those treaties. 
Was Prussia able to confront 
the other Great Powers with her 
unaided resources ? Bismarck, 
with all his determination, 
thought such a move too dangerous. The 
stake in such a struggle would have been 
too trivial ; for, as Bismarck showed the 
Prussian House of Representatives, Prus- 
sia would have lent its arms to establish the 
claims of a duke who, like the ot.ber petty 


Against the 


states, would have mostly voted with 
Austria at Frankfort. " The signing of the 
Treaty of London," so Bismarck said on 
December ist, 1863, in the Prussian House 
of Representatives, " may be deplored ; 
but it has been done, and honour as well 
as prudence commands that our loyal 
observance of the treaty be 
beyond all doubt." These 
reasons did not, however, con- 
vince the House. It pro- 
nounced in favour of the 
hereditary right of the Duke 
of Augustenburg. Bismarck 
vainly put before the Opposi- 
tion that, as soon as Prussia 
abandoned the basis of the 
Treaty of London, no pretext 
whatever could be found 
for interfering in Schleswig, 
which stood entirely outside 

would have been justified if Bismarck 
had still been, as he was m 1848, a man 
of exclusively Conservative party politics. 
The German people could not know that 
he had become a far greater man. He 
had now fixed his eye on the acquisition 
of the duchies by Prussia, and steered 
steadily towards that goal 
which King William still con- 
sidered unattainable. Just 
now he won a great diplo- 
matic triumph. Austria, on 
the question of the duchies, 
was divided from the German 
minor states, her allies, and 
Bismarck widened the breach. 
He explained to the Vienna 
Cabinet that Prussia was 
resolved to compel Denmark 
to respect the Treaty of 
London by force of arms, and, 
if necessary, single-handed. 
Austria now could not and 

the German Confederation ^^^^ frederic vii. 

The violent opposition of King of Denmark from 1S48, his 

the House of Representatives tyrannous rule in Schieswig-Hoi- dared not leave the hberation 

_-. , , -^ J , T stein was bitterly resented, and by r r^ i i • j. -i • i 

to Bismarck s methods was his death, in 1863, the main line of ot bchlcswig to her rival 
due to the fact that the Con- *^^ '°y^^ ^°"^^ ^^""^""^ ^^""^*' alone, otherwise she would 
servative party, to which Bismarck had have voluntarily abdicated her position 
belonged, had in 1849 and 1850 condemned in Germany. Rechberg, who in any case 
the rebehion of Schleswig-Holstein against was favourably disposed to the alliance 
Denmark ; and there was the fear that with Prussia, induced his master, under 
the supporters of legitimacy would once the circumstances, to conclude the armed 
more in the end make the duchies subject alliance with Prussia ; Francis Joseph 
to Denmark. As a matter of fact, the two was, however, disappointed that the Diet 
great German Powers had at Frankfort and the anti- 

tolerated the infringements of j^^^ • \ Prussian policy had borne no 

the Treaty of London by Mt^'^- \^^^ fruits. The two Great Powers 

Denmark since 1852, and had ^K .. . -^ pledged themselves in the 

not contributed at all to pre- ^ff ^^ *^ treaty of January i6th, 1864, 

serve the rights of the duchies. "^3^ Jfikl ^° attack Denmark, and 

This explains the blame laid t/k^^W settled that after the libera- 

upon the two Great Powers by . ^^ffta tion of the duchies no 

the committee ol an assembly , ^^^kl^^l^ decision should be taken 

of representatives at Frank- \,,^^^^^B^^^ about them except by the 

fort on December 21st, 1863, ^^^^^^^^B^^^^ agreement of the two Powers, 

in an address to the German ^^^^^^^^^^^^' Austria thus felt protected 
people. For twelve years, it ^^[^^^^^^^^ against surprises on the part 

said, the Danes had been ^^^^l^^^ of Prussia. The treaty met 

allowed to trample under foot king christian ix. with the most violent opposi- 
the Treaty of London. Now, He succeeded to the throne of tion both in the Prussian and 

• , 1 ,1 , • , • c ,\ Denmark in 1S63, on the death of , , . , • , . • 

With the extinction of the Frederic vii. His eldest daughter, the Austriau representative 
royal house, and the revival ^ll''^?!''^' To ''•'5'^ ^'"f ?^7'"'f assemblies. The money for 

■^ , ' ,. . vii. of Great Britam and Ireland. J 

of the hereditary right of i-rom a photoi^r.,,,!, the conduct ol the war was 

Augustenburg, the possibility had come actually refused in Berlin. The Austrian 

of getting rid of the shameful treaty. 
" Now, when the execution of that treaty 
would be fatal to the cause of the duchies, 
armies were being put into the field in 
order to enforce its execution." This 
reproach against the Prussian policy 


Chamber did not proceed to such extreme 
measures, but the majority held it to be a 
mistake that Austria adopted a hostile 
position against the minor states, and 
neglected the opportunity to make a friend 
of the future Duke of Schleswig-Holstein. 


The army to conquer Sclileswig con- 
sisted of 37,000 Pmssians and 23,000 
Austrians, who were opposed by 40,000 
Danes. The supreme command of the 
invading force was held by Count Wrangel. 
The Danes hoped to the last for foreign 
help, but the threats of England to the 
German Powers were smoke without a fire. 
The Danes first attempted resistance along 
the Danewerk. But the Austrians in the 
battles of Jagel and Okerselk, on February 
3rd, stormed the outposts in front of the 
redoubts and pur- 
sued the Danes 
right under the 
cannons of the 
Danewerk. Since 
there was the 
fear that the 
strong position 
would be turned 
by the Prussians 
below Missunde. 
the Danish 
general, De Meza, 
ev^acuated the 
Danewerk on 
February 5th, 
and withdi'ew 
northwards. The 
Austrians fol- 
lowed quickly 
and came up 
with the Danes 
the next day at 
Oeversee, and 
compelled them 
to fight for their 
retreat. Scliles- 
wig was thus 
conquered with 
the exception of 
a small peninsula 
on the east , 
where the lines 
of Diippel were 
raised, which 

were in touch with the island of 
and the powerful Danish fleet. Prussia 
proposed then to force the Danes to 
conclude peace by an investment of Jilt- 
land. The Austrian Cabinet could not at 
first entertain this plan. General Man- 
teuffel, who was sent to Vienna, only 
carried his point when Prussia gave a 
promise that Schleswig-Holstein should 
not be wrested from the suzerainty of the 
Danish crown ; on the contrary, the inde- 
pendent duchies were to be united with 


Denmark by a personal union. The allies 
thereupon conquered Jiitland as far as the 
Liim Fiord, and by storming the lines of 
Diippel, on April i8th, the Prussian arms 
won a brilliant success, and the blockade of 
the mouths of the Elbe was relieved by the 
sea-fight of Heligoland on May 9th, 1864. 
The future of the duchies was now the 
question. Popular opinion in Germany 
protested loudly against their restoration 
to the Danish king, and Bismarck now fed 
the flame of indignation, since he wished 
to release Prussia 
from the promise 
she had made. 
But he would not 
have attained 
this object had 
not the Danes, 
fortunately for 
Germany, re- 
mained obsti- 
nate. A con- 
ference of the 
Powers con- 
cerned met in 
London on April 
25th, 1864. The 
Danish pleni- 
potentiaries, still 
hoping for British 
support, rejected 
on May 17th the 
proposal of Prus- 
sia and Austria 
for the constitu- 
tional indepen- 
dence of the 
duchies, even 
should their pos- 
session be i n - 
tended for their 
King Christian. 
The matter was 
thus definitely 
decided. Austria 
was now com- 
pelled to retire from the agreement last 
made with Prussia. The Vienna Cabinet, 
making a virtue of necessity, resolved to 
prevent Schleswig-Holstein from falling to 
Prussia by nominating the Duke of August- 
enburg. King William had long been in- 
clined to this course, if only Duke Frederic 
was willing to make some arrangement 
with Prussia about his army, as Coburg had 
already done ; if he would grant Prussia a 
naval station and allow the North Sea 
Canal to be constructed ; and if the duchies 



From a photograph 




entered the ZoUverein. The duke woul